Tourism, Italy. Doesn’t tourism’s Faustian pact need a review?.Italy


Italy is the original tourist destination, an open museum for pilgrims, Grand Tourists, foodies, beach bums and church crawlers. The country – the fifth most visited in the world, with almost 47 million visitors spending a total of £32bn a year – is assiduous in promoting tourism. It takes a brave person to turn those kind of gushing taps off. But in some overwhelmed parts of the country, that is what is happening.

This week Italian authorities declared they are going to limit the number of visitors to the Cinque Terre, a collection of five fishing villages in Liguria. Tourist numbers will be capped at 1.5 million (a million less than last year) because these tiny communities are unable to cope with the influx. The announcement follows a ban last year on huge cruise ships entering the Venetian lagoon.

It’s a counter-intuitive move, because most tourist destinations want as many visitors as possible. And it shows up tourism as a Faustian pact: the more visitors you have and the more money you make, the less you are the naive, folkloric, authentic, untouched place of the tourists’ imagination.

The defence of tourism has always been that it “broadens the mind”. We imagine that hanging out with exotic peoples in unusual places will remove from us any petty provincialism. But in an age of mass tourism, the interaction with those peoples and places has lost its depth. Our exchange has become merely commercial.

I remember years ago asking for directions in a package-tour area of Jamaica. A man pointed me in the right direction and, just as I was imagining that he and I had broken down some kind of cultural or racial barrier, he asked me for a dollar in a mildly menacing way. Tourism has become equivalent to a one-night stand, with each side grabbing what they want: the tourist gets a selfie in front of an iconic building and the locals empty visitors’ pockets as thoroughly as possible.

The observer, of course, always affects the observed, and travel can ruin the places we come to see. The nearest tourist attraction to where I live is Glastonbury Tor in Somerset. It’s a lovely, petite hill with views stretching far over the finest county in England. But so many people walk it that the path is now made of concrete, and we’re warned, in a notice at the kissing gate, that we mustn’t stray. It hardly makes for a stroll amidst nature.

That’s why so many tourist destinations are brutally dismissive of those they receive. Every country has a similar term to the West Country’s “grockle” or Spain’s “guiri”: words which express disdain for these gawking, ungainly visitors.

The most painful recent example was the toe-curling story of the couple who went to the Maldives to renew their marriage vows. The hotel charged them £820 for a ceremony in which hotel staff, speaking Dhivehi which they didn’t understand, viciously insulted them. That dreadful story captured the weird world of westerners longing for a paradise, for virginal land; and of locals ripping them off and belittling them.

Some countries address the dilemma with innovation. Bhutan doesn’t limit its number of tourists, but it does force them – through package tours – to spend $250 a day in high season ($200 in low), which apparently funds education, healthcare and so on. Other places, such as Venice, have vastly differing costs for tourist attractions according to whether you are a resident or not. But those measures only underline that the relationship with you really is primarily commercial. Other destinations (like Costa Rica or the Galápagos) encourage tourists to see themselves as eco-benefactors or as witnesses to sustainability. But eco-tourism is a blatant contradiction in terms.

Part of the problem is that our escapism often serves to emphasise the epic inequality in our world. It’s entirely understandable (especially if you’re from northern Europe) to chase sunshine and sandy beaches. But then every year we see those heart-wrenching images of refugees crawling ashore in Lampedusa as Europeans slap on the sun cream. We are those privileged Europeans, whether we’re in that photo or not.

We will keep travelling manically because we’re instinctive wanderers. Curiosity is a good thing, and it really does open the heart and mind as much as it does the wallet. No one wants it to end. If the tourism industry stopped existing tomorrow, the global economy would massively suffer. Tourism accounts for almost a third of the world’s services.


But maybe we should put the sandal on the other foot. If we want the right to go anywhere, we should allow that right to others as well. It can’t just be that only the rich are permitted to visit, buy properties and lay down roots. If we spend our money in their countries, surely we have a duty to allow foreigners to earn it in ours as well. Because until there’s a sense of equality about human movement across the globe, until tourism implies a sense of actually living alongside other people, it will remain just a one-night stand.

Pope Francis and Donald Trump. The fabricated fight between

Pope Francis, left, on the papal plane en route to Rome on Feb. 17, and Donald Trump in Portsmouth, N.H., on Feb. 4.
The popular wisdom that opposites attract is true in both romance and politics.

Set aside for a moment that this mini-uproar, spawned by a reporter’s question and poached by scandalmongers, has largely been put to rest.

The episode was a stellar (celestial?) example of the pitfalls of today’s culture-media-politics complex — a constellation of supernovas exploding in an accelerating universe in which a repulsive force counteracts an attractive force. Guess who’s who?

Much distilled and slightly paraphrased, here’s how the “conversation” between Trump and Francis went for a news cycle or two:

Pope: Anyone who wants to build walls instead of bridges is not a Christian.

Trump: Questioning someone’s Christianity is disgraceful.

Pope: If that’s what Trump really said.

Trump: If the Islamic State gets the pope, which is the group’s ultimate goal, he’ll wish I had been president because it wouldn’t have happened. The Islamic State would have been destroyed.

Pope: It wasn’t a personal attack but the Gospel.

Trump: I think he said something much softer than was originally reported by the media.

Heaven forbid, I think Trump may be right.

At first, the exchange, all of which took place through stories ricocheting and pinging around the vast media-verse, seemed a bit nasty. But as the conversation continued and messages began bubbling up in the Magic 8 Ball, things seemed less hostile — and even more ridiculous.

Meanwhile, South Carolinians, whose Republican primary was just a couple of days away when the cycle started, wondered why the pope was getting in their business. The simple answer is that Reuters reporter Phil Pullella specifically asked the pontiff about Trump’s position on immigration as well as insults aimed at the papal leader:

“Republican Donald Trump in an interview recently said that you are a political man and he even said that you are a pawn, an instrument of the Mexican government for migration politics. Trump said that if he’s elected, he wants to build 2,500 kilometers of wall along the border. He wants to deport 11 million illegal immigrants, separating families, et cetera. . . . What do you think of these accusations against you and if a North American Catholic can vote for a person like this?”
 “Thank God he said I was a politician because Aristotle defined the human person as ‘animal politicus.’ At least I am a human person. As to whether I am a pawn, well, maybe, I don’t know. I’ll leave that up to your judgment and that of the people. And then, a person who thinks only about building walls, wherever they may be, and not building bridges, is not Christian. This is not in the Gospel. As far as what you said about whether I would advise to vote or not to vote, I am not going to get involved in that. I say only that this man is not Christian if he has said things like that. We must see if he said things in that way and in this I give the benefit of the doubt.”

You can see why quotes get trimmed. But it’s important to note, Francis didn’t say Trump isn’t a Christian; he did reaffirm that the church doesn’t get involved in elections. Most important, he said the immigration problem can’t be solved by only building walls.

Thus, it was hardly an indictment but an observation related to the Gospel. Otherwise, the flurry that followed focused on Trump’s own inferences based on what he was told. Many in the media, knowing full well the extent of Trump’s several disgraceful remarks about a variety of issues and people, rationally drew their own inferences. That’s context, too.

Invariably in such matters, we reach a consensus that one shouldn’t judge another’s religious beliefs. We can’t know another’s heart, we dutifully say at the end of such superficial purges. While this isn’t precisely true — Jeb Bush and John Kasich talk incessantly about their hearts — it is a fine guiding principle.

Given this, why is it that Republican candidates speak so tirelessly of religion? What an excellent question for the Magic 8 Ball. Wait, here comes the answer: Morality is a continuum of ethical actions, not a proclamation of beliefs and intentions. I made that up, but it’s brilliant, don’t you think?

Herewith a moral for the story: Let the pope be popey, let Trump be Trumpy, and let the rest of the bunch follow their faiths without fanfare.


Harper Lee, autora del clásico "Matar a un Ruiseñor", muere a los 89 años de edad viernes 19


Junto a Gregory Peck durante la grabación de Matar a un Ruiseñol.
Harper Lee, autora de uno de los clásicos más emblemáticos de la literatura moderna estadounidense, "Matar a un Ruiseñor", murió a los 89 años en el estado de Alabama.

La escritora esperó 55 años para publicar el año pasado su segundo libro con los mismos personajes y un punto de vista diferente respecto al de su primera novela, que abordaba la perspectiva de una niña sobre el bien y el mal.

Mary Jackson, funcionaria de la localidad de Monroeville, en Alabama, confirmó  la noticia vía telefónica que Harper Lee había muerto.

Durante décadas se pensó que la autora estadounidense nunca publicaría más relatos después de "Matar a un Ruiseñor", pero la aparición de "Ve y pon un Centinela" fue un acontecimiento literario sorpresa, que además causó conmoción entre los seguidores de la primera novela de Lee. Justo y con muy pocas horas de diferencia ha muerto Umberto Eco "El nombre de la Rosa"



Como su coetáneo J. D. Salinger, Harper Lee pertenecía a una especie particular de artistas. Su obra es escasa. Tienen un golpe de genialidad en su juventud y crean un clásico para después retirarse del escenario y callar para siempre. Rehuyen los focos y las entrevistas. La fuente creativa se seca. Silencio.

A Lee le costó digerir la fama que le atrajo Matar a un ruiseñor, premiada con el premio Pulitzer, y la posterior posterior película, protagonizada por Gregory Peck, ganadora de tres oscars. Es difícil encontrar otra novela contemporánea que haya tenido un impacto tan duradero como esta, la historia semiautobiográfica sobre un abogado sureño blanco, Atticus Finch, que defiende a un negro acusado injustamente de violar a una blanca. Escrita en los años cincuenta, en el momento más feroz del terrorismo blanco contra los negros en estados como Alabama, la novela se publicó en el momento adecuado, cuando el movimiento de los derechos civiles tomaba fuerza y, con la complicidad de los presidentes Kennedy y Johnson y del Tribunal Supremo, que estaba a punto de lograr el fin de la segregación racial. La autora era una desconocida, una empleada del departamento de reservas de una aerolínea, pero dotada de un talento narrativo insólito que mezclaba la mirada ingenua de una niña —Scout, alter ego de Harper Lee— con un bisturí afilado para diseccionar el pecado original de la democracia estadounidense: el racismo y sus distantes expresiones: la esclavitud, la segregación, la discriminación… Matar a un ruiseñor, además de una evocación del paraíso infantil y una denuncia del racismo, es un manual de ciudadanía, una Biblia cívica leída por sucesivas generaciones de escolares en este país.

Lee creció en Monroeville, inspiración de Maycomb, el pueblo de Matar a un ruiseñor. Su padre, A.C. Lee, era el abogado que inspiró a Atticus Finch. Su vecino y compañero de juegos era Truman Capote. Durante toda la vida le persiguió el rumor (falso) de que Capote había escrito en realidad Matar a un ruiseñor. Lo contrario probablemente sea cierto. Sin la ayuda de Lee, que le acompañó en los viajes y entrevistas, Capote no habría escrito su obra maestra, A sangre fría. Con los años se distanciaron.

Uno de los motivos que alimentaba la especulaciones sobre la autoría de Matar a un ruiseñor era que Lee no hubiese vuelto a escribir una novela. ¿Cómo era posible que aquel talento enorme se hubiese apagado? Durante década se esperó la nueva novela, hasta que hace un año se supo que Tonja Carter, abogada en el bufete de A.C. Lee (es decir, del Atticus real), había descubierto un viejo manuscrito que narraba la historia de cómo la Scout adulta regresa a Maycomb en los años cincuenta. Carter negoció un contrato millonario con Harper Collins, que en junio publicó Ve y pon un centinela. Se imprimieron dos millones de ejemplares.

Monroeville se dividió entre quienes sospechaban que Lee carecía de facultades para decidir sobre la publicación del texto y había sido manipulada por Carter, y quienes lo refutaban. Que Finch, el héroe de los derechos civiles, resultase ser un racista bajo la mirada de la Scout adulta decepcionó a muchos lectores.

Una semanas antes, el veterano historiador de Alabama Wayne Flynt, que era un buen amigo de la escritora, lo había avisado: Finch era un segregacionista suave, como la mayoría de ciudadanos del sur en aquella época, incluso los de inclinaciones progresistas. ¿Manipulación? No: Lee sabía perfectamente lo que hacía al publicar Ve y pon un centinela.

Cuando le preguntamos si creía que podríamos entrevistar a la escritora, Flynt fue tajante: “Harper no permitiría que Barack Obama la entrevistase, aunque él se lo pidiese”.

Umberto Eco ha muerto; El nombre de la rosa, no.

Umberto Eco ha muerto. El mundo perdió a uno de sus hombres más importantes de la cultura contemporánea: Todos vamos a perder su verdadera visión del mundo. Tenía 84 años de edad, fue escritor, filósofo y  gran observador de los medios expertos en  comunicación. La confirmación de la desaparición del autor de "El nombre de la rosa" y de "El péndulo de Foucault" fue comunicada por su familia al diario La República. Esta, su  muerte, fue a las 22:30 de anoche en su propia casa. Nació en Alejandría el 5 de enero de 1932, Umberto Eco fue semiólogo, filósofo y escritor prolífico. En 1988 fundó el Departamento de Comunicación de la Universidad de San Marino. 
Desde 2008 fue profesor emérito y presidente de la Escuela Superior de Humanidades de la Universidad de Bolonia. Su última entrevista: "Estamos locos, dejamos la Mondazzoli" FRANCESCO MIRLO numerosos ensayos Umberto Eco ha escrito sobre la estética medieval, la lingüística y la filosofía, así como novelas de gran éxito. Estos incluyen el ya mencionado "El nombre de la rosa", lanzado en 1980 y rápidamente se convirtió en un éxito internacional con millones de copias vendidas, fue traducido a muchos idiomas y "El péndulo de Foucault". Del 12 de noviembre, 2010 fue miembro de la Accademia dei Lincei, para la clase de Ciencias Morales, historia y filosofía. Su último libro, publicado en 2015, el mismo día de su cumpleaños, fue "Year Zero", que fue lanzado por tipos de Bompiani. Un libro creado en 1992 habla de un dibujo imaginario en un periódico, con fuertes referencias al complottistica político, periodístico, jurídico e italiano, de Tangentópolis Gladio, a través de la P2 y el terror rojo. La apuesta en el barco. El ' su última entrevista la concedió al diario La República el pasado día  24 de noviembre cuando el escritor decidió junto a Sandro Veronesi, Hanif Kureishi, Tahar Ben Jelloun dejar de publicar para el nuevo gigante Mondadori-RCS controlado por Segrate, a pesar de estar entre los mejores Bompiani estable. Y para seguir Elisabetta Sgarbi en una nueva aventura, la editorial "El barco de Teseo". Y esta nueva "aventura" de Umberto Eco, conocer la noticia de su muerte, quiso saludarla con un tweet "Capitán". "El barco de Teseo saluda a su capitán. Gracias Umberto." Justo en esta nueva aventura Umberto Eco había hablado con la República. 
El punto de máxima claridad que era también uno de los más oscuros, cuando se le dijo Umberto Eco, "cumplido por no entender entre sí Elisabetta Sgarbi y Marina Berlusconi ", hay mujeres que son incompatibles e incomunicables por  la ideología solo les vence la antropología. Es a partir de ese encuentro nació "La nave de Teseo", dos arqueado hacia arriba y maderas como un símbolo, las nuevas editoriales financiadas por los escritores, de dos millones sólo hay que poner por el escritor que hizo proyectos con entusiasmo y los riesgos de un niño, sabiendo que tiene ahora 84 años (aún por hacerse): "Debido a que el proyecto es la única alternativa a la Semana Rompecabezas, el verdadero remedio contra el Alzheimer." ¿Realista? " Lo que es peor estamos locos. Eco admitió que con esta nueva experiencia podría correr el riesgo del tremendo fracaso. La publicación de hecho - razonó el escritor, junto con otros que querían seguirlo en esta nueva aventura - es la forma más elegante para disipar sus ahorros, tal vez poco a poco, pero sin pausa. Por otra parte - incluso afirmó - en la época no creativa, el editor podrá ser destinado a la impotencia. Pero el escritor explicó: "Teseo es sólo un pretexto, un nombre como cualquier otro.  Lo importante es la nave, no Teseo.", sacando sus queridos semiótica, refiriéndose también al hecho de que el barco de Teseo es el que pierde y reemplaza las piezas, un poco 'premonición de su muerte. 
Eco quería a toda costa que el barco siguió navegando, con o sin él, sabiendo que, tal vez, de que tienen poco tiempo disponible para llevar a cabo en aguas seguras. "¿Quién no lee, de 70 años habrán vivido una vida - se había dicho en el pasado -.. los lectores se han vivido 5000 años la lectura es una inmortalidad hacia atrás " . Eco y la política tienen opciones para dejar el grupo editorial de la familia Berlusconi, que probablemente se originó en las posiciones que Echo Knight tomó en veinte años. Él, como garante de la libertad y la justicia. Justo con muy pocas horas de diferencia ha muerto, Harper Lee, autora de "Ha muerto un ruiseñor"

Keynes: We need a new language to talk about the economy

 Keynes with Harry Dexter White in 1946. ‘Keynes was a master  of the disruptive metaphor.

Banks trembling, shares tumbling and gathering fears of a new slump. The start of 2016 has been chilling for a global economy that has still to shake off the crisis of 2008. Worse, there is no agreement on what to do should the worst happen again. The big ideas that might make a difference – targeting higher inflation, printing money to give consumers something to spend with, or ploughing serious public funds into infrastructure – remain too contentious for politicians to voice out loud. That is a shame, because history suggests that the words they use matter.

Of course policies and theories have to pass muster, but just as significant in determining which ones end up being pursued are the language in which they are discussed. A smart metaphor can do more to shift the sense of the possible than the negative interest rates that increasingly desperate central bankers are relying on to alter the mood.

From economics seminar rooms to rage-pumped Donald Trump rallies there is a consensus on one thing: we need to do better next time. The last recession was followed by years of anaemic growth and squeezed pay, and taxpayers saddled with the bill for bailing out the banks. Nobody is going to be thrilled with that mix, but the despair is most acute on the left.

A crisis caused by footloose finance and preceded by decades in which the rich had raced ahead of the rest might have ushered in a new order of stability and fair shares. Instead we have quantitative easing – which puffs up asset prices for the haves and renders homes less affordable for the have-nots – and fiscal austerity, which makes the poor poorer and also leaves them more exposed, by knocking down the old storm defences of the welfare state. In the US, the top 1% grabbed more than half the total growth in the first five years of recovery, while in the UK, George Osborne, a chancellor who saw no choice to imposing the bedroom tax, still found room to trim the tax rate on top incomes.

None of this should have been possible, but it was successfully sold as necessary. To understand how, we must reckon with the deep foundations of economic orthodoxy in our culture, especially the language.

It was, RH Tawney explained, the genius of the Reformation, the ideological revolution that readied the way for capitalism, to reimagine the “natural frailty” of human greed “into a resounding virtue”. Whereas poverty, in medieval religious theory at least, had been next to godliness, early modern thinkers from Hobbes to Smith equated wealth with worth. Trade became respectable, and lending money for profit, which had been sinful usury, became a fruitful outlet for thrift. Credit became interwoven with honour and pride, while debt was shot through with weighty moral obligations.

These are the orthodox financial prejudices that have, with brief exceptions, held sway ever since – in Gladstone’s red box as much as Thatcher’s handbag. When the 2008 economic storm hit (a metaphor which itself does ideological work, implying an act of nature rather than a crisis of human folly) the then shadow chancellor Osborne reached for a tried and tested script. “The cupboard is bare,”he sternly announced, likening bankrupt Britain to an over-indebted home.

Economists have objected to lazy comparisons between domestic and national finances for the best part of a century: governments can tax, grow or even print their way out of debt, three important escape routes not open to individuals. In the 30 years after the second world war there were deficits in all but six. But far from this leaving Britain’s cupboard bare, the national debt dwindled from 250% to 50% of GDP.

So the household metaphor is deeply misleading but it remains irresistible to politicians and powerful with the public. It offers a way to make sense of the otherwise baffling billions in national debt through analogy with everyday experience. Furthermore, explains Jonathan Charteris-Black, an expert on rhetoric at the University of the West of England, it embeds “one of the most widely used of all political images: the nation as family, with the government as responsible parent”.

It is all so familiar that only restless, malcontent minds will argue back against the claim that There Is No Alternative. But the awkward squad should not lose heart: with determined effort, the terms in which policies get discussed can sometimes be changed. One modest example was the one-off charge made on the utilities soon after Labour came to power in 1997. Few taxes are popular, but by being badged a “windfall levy” this one came to be seen as a fair way to share good fortune that had dropped into the lap of these firms.

Looking further back, Keynes was a master of the disruptive metaphor. He described the “animal spirits” of investors whose rationality he questioned, and dismissed the self-styled “wolves and tiger” of industry as pathetically “domesticated” beasts. He was even credited with livening technical debate about the efficacy of monetary policy in a liquidity trap by talking of “pushing on a piece of string”. Keynesians across the Atlantic, such as Lauchlin Currie,rationalised the deficits of Roosevelt’s New Deal as “pump priming” the economy. The image here is of an old-fashioned well, where you have to pour in a little fluid to clear air from the valve, which then allows you to pump out a far larger volume of water. It had intuitive appeal for the very many Americans who had then been raised on farms, but hydraulics remains a promising source of imagery. Where orthodox economics and the moralising that goes with it emphasises solid “stocks”, assets and liabilities of particular values – a nasty debt, a nice nest egg or indeed an empty cupboard – the real economy operates through continuous “flows” of payment and activity.

The engineer-turned-economist Bill Phillips illustrated this insight by building a marvellous machine that shunted coloured water about to illustrate how the components of national income related to one another. But there is no need to go to the lengths of constructing a physical metaphor to make the point about how the bubbling stream of a healthy economy can wash away the debris of debt. Or, indeed, how decisive interventions can be required to clear blockages in the arteries of finance.

The question endlessly put to the Labour opposition is whether it can put together a “credible, costed package of alternative economic plans”, and doing that will, of course, have to be part of the answer – but only part. For no such programme, whether it stacks up or not, will compete with Osborne’s until the public can be persuaded to talk about the economy differently.

John McDonnell, the shadow chancellor, has put great effort into assembling brainy economists to help refine his detailed commitments, but the results of their deliberations will likely attract even less attention than his one rhetorical flourish to date – “socialism with an iPad”. A creative writing competition might do more to help him prevail in the battles ahead.

La cultura no solo es un cúmulo de saber, también es un modo de aprender

La cultura no solo es un cúmulo de saber, también es un modo de aprender, superarse, crecer, capacitarse y prepararse.

Nunca jamás está todo  perdido. Aún es posible mirar y tratar de intervenir. Puede parecernos poco y, si bien nada resulta fácil, es preciso proseguir. Y, atentos, hablar y leer, y escribir, y dibujar, cantar y danzar. Y ensayarnos y experimentarnos. Y siempre pensar. Y laborar. Y relacionarnos. En ocasiones, no encontramos buenas razones para ello, pero eso mismo podría ser un buen motivo. No es preciso esperar a que llegue la oportunidad, hay que procurar hacerla venir.

Hay momentos en que, con el pretexto del calendario, algo se abre hasta ofrecerse. No es un tiempo ya dado que, como bien sabemos, nunca nos está garantizado. Podría ser mera necesidad, una urgencia, a lo mejor, un deseo. Entonces no es fácil sustraerse a esta convocatoria, que no es simplemente de fechas, la que quizá nosotros mismos nos enviamos, la de mejorar, la de no cejar. Y la de empeñarnos más allá de lo convencional, de lo aconsejable, de lo predecible. Desde la experiencia de creer que no tenemos remedio, sin embargo sentimos que algo otro está en nuestras manos, y nos ponemos a la tarea.

Mientras nos enredamos en dilucidaciones, en la vorágine en la que encontramos dificultades hasta para que algo vivo suceda, conviene no olvidar que no todo está dicho, ni clausurado. Ni tan siquiera la comodidad ha pronunciado su última palabra. Y no nos plegamos. Lo llamamos curiosidad, y lo es. No solo la de interesarnos por lo que parece concernirnos directamente, sino la de ver si somos capaces de formarnos, de ser otros. Se abre el espacio para pensar de manera diferente. Y, a su modo, tanto nos alegra como nos asusta.

El asunto es atractivo, y más llevadero, cuando constatamos que no es únicamente cosa nuestra. El comienzo no es un puro inicio. Algo ya se viene diciendo y nos reta llegando desde lejos. Es un legado vigente, no un mero depósito, sino un caudal al que hemos de corresponder. Es aún algo pendiente, nos procura abrigo y nos constituye. Nos viene cultivando, a pesar de nuestra fragilidad para dar fruto. Somos ya en ese lecho, en ese terreno. Y hemos de velar por ello.

Ahora bien, accedemos a una nueva intemperie y notamos que nos espera mucho por hacer. Eso que requerimos no está aguardando ser liberado por nuestra genialidad, la que tampoco tenemos. En cierto modo, hemos de generar nosotros mismos esa coyuntura. Alumbrar la belleza de lo que no se agota en su inmediata rentabilidad tiene otra fecundidad, la del obrar, la del problematizar, la que procura lo susceptible de ser sentido, pensado, querido, la que transforma.

Lo denominamos año nuevo, más por reciente que por distinto. Aunque nunca uno más, y siempre enigmáticamente diferente, es difícil ignorar, sin embargo, el peso de lo que, ya sucedido, parece empeñarse en no dejar de suceder. Pero, a su vez, hemos de cultivarnos en lo por venir. La cultura no es un mero acopio de saber, sino un modo de aprender, de crecer y de cuidarse. Y no solo de uno mismo. Supone procurar modalidades de existencia, y por ello es imprescindible. No es un simple repliegue, es a la par despliegue, muy radicalmente del escuchar, y del responder, para ser artífices de la propia forma de vida, de la propia palabra.

Habremos de lograr que suceda. Si no, sí estamos perdidos. Es ocasión de velar, de atender, de considerar. Y de crear y de recrearnos. Y es posible. Lejos de la resignada claudicación ante lo que se erige como inexorable, conscientes de las limitaciones, aún cabe hacer y hacernos. E, incluso en medio de enormes dificultades, hemos de reforzar esa convicción.

Puestos a desconsiderarnos a nosotros mismos, estimemos al menos nuestra libertad. No solo la de elegir, la de preferir, también la de concebir. Ello supone hacer brotar nuevas condiciones. Es un trabajo de cultura, que es más que el de cada quien para sí mismo. Necesitamos muy singularmente de aquellos que, sin decir lo nuestro, dicen con brillantez lo que tanto nos concierne. Nadie declarará nuestra palabra, aunque precisamos de la suya. De una u otra manera, el olvido de las artes supone asimismo la claudicación de la ciencia, aunque una buena consideración de aquellas cuestiona el modo de comprender, imperiosa y poco humanamente, de cierto saber y su poder.


Es tarde. A su manera siempre lo es ya para algo. Pero estamos a tiempo de vivir y de propiciar lo que está por acontecer. La cultura no se limita a asistir al espectáculo de lo que pasa, ni a convertir en espectáculo cuanto ocurre. Hacer suceder es una forma singular de mirada, es un acontecimiento. Podemos llamarlo contemplación. Lejos de ser una pasividad, es una modalidad de acción que es capaz de ver incluso lo que hace que ocurra. Y de procurarlo. Más que su causa, es su condición de posibilidad. Y es ahí donde el artista, el pensador, el creador, lo que de ello aún late en cada uno de nosotros siquiera torpe e incipientemente, nos insta a efectuar. El desafío nos desborda. No más que el tiempo que parece ofrecérsenos y que se desdibuja sin nuestro actuar. La cultura nunca es posesión de nadie ni de nada.

Thomas Piketty on the rise of Bernie Sanders: the US enters a new political era

The Vermont senator’s success so far demonstrates the end of the politico-ideological cycle opened by the victory of Ronald Reagan at the 1980 elections

Bernie Sanders makes clear he wants to restore progressive taxation and a higher minimum wage.   

How can we interpret the incredible success of the “socialist” candidate Bernie Sanders in the US primaries? The Vermont senator is now ahead of Hillary Clinton among Democratic-leaning voters below the age of 50, and it’s only thanks to the older generation that Clinton has managed to stay ahead in the polls.

Because he is facing the Clinton machine, as well as the conservatism of mainstream media, Sanders might not win the race. But it has now been demonstrated that another Sanders – possibly younger and less white – could one day soon win the US presidential elections and change the face of the country. In many respects, we are witnessing the end of the politico-ideological cycle opened by the victory of Ronald Reagan at the 1980 elections.

Let’s glance back for an instant. From the 1930s until the 1970s, the US were at the forefront of an ambitious set of policies aiming to reduce social inequalities. Partly to avoid any resemblance with Old Europe, seen then as extremely unequal and contrary to the American democratic spirit, in the inter-war years the country invented a highly progressive income and estate tax and set up levels of fiscal progressiveness never used on our side of the Atlantic. From 1930 to 1980 – for half a century – the rate for the highest US income (over $1m per year) was on average 82%, with peaks of 91% from the 1940s to 1960s (from Roosevelt to Kennedy), and still as high as 70% during Reagan’s election in 1980.

This policy in no way affected the strong growth of the post-war American economy, doubtless because there is not much point in paying super-managers $10m when $1m will do. The estate tax, which was equally progressive with rates applicable to the largest fortunes in the range of 70% to 80% for decades (the rate has almost never exceeded 30% to 40% in Germany or France), greatly reduced the concentration of American capital, without the destruction and wars which Europe had to face.

In the 1930s, long before European countries followed through, the US also set up a federal minimum wage. In the late 1960s it was worth $10 an hour (in 2016 dollars), by far the highest of its time.

All this was carried through almost without unemployment, since both the level of productivity and the education system allowed it. This is also the time when the US finally put an end to the undemocratic legal racial discrimination still in place in the south, and launched new social policies.

All this change sparked a muscular opposition, particularly among the financial elites and the reactionary fringe of the white electorate. Humiliated in Vietnam, 1970s America was further concerned that the losers of the second world war (Germany and Japan in the lead) were catching up at top speed. The US also suffered from the oil crisis, inflation and under-indexation of tax schedules. Surfing the waves of all these frustrations, Reagan was elected in 1980 on a program aiming to restore a mythical capitalism said to have existed in the past.

The culmination of this new program was the tax reform of 1986, which ended half a century of a progressive tax system and lowered the rate applicable to the highest incomes to 28%.

Democrats never truly challenged this choice in the Clinton (1992-2000) and Obama (2008-2016) years, which stabilized the taxation rate at around 40% (two times lower than the average level for the period 1930 to 1980). This triggered an explosion of inequality coupled with incredibly high salaries for those who could get them, as well as a stagnation of revenues for most of America – all of which was accompanied by low growth (at a level still somewhat higher than Europe, mind you, as the old world was mired in other problems).


Reagan also decided to freeze the federal minimum wage level, which from 1980 was slowly but surely eroded by inflation (little more than $7 an hour in 2016, against nearly $11 in 1969). Again, this new political-ideological regime was barely mitigated by the Clinton and Obama years.

Sanders’ success today shows that much of America is tired of rising inequality and these so-called political changes, and intends to revive both a progressive agenda and the American tradition of egalitarianism. Hillary Clinton, who fought to the left of Barack Obama in 2008 on topics such as health insurance, appears today as if she is defending the status quo, just another heiress of the Reagan-Clinton-Obama political regime.

Sanders makes clear he wants to restore progressive taxation and a higher minimum wage ($15 an hour). To this he adds free healthcare and higher education in a country where inequality in access to education has reached unprecedented heights, highlighting a gulf standing between the lives of most Americans, and the soothing meritocratic speeches pronounced by the winners of the system.


Meanwhile, the Republican party sinks into a hyper-nationalist, anti-immigrant and anti-Islam discourse (even though Islam isn’t a great religious force in the country), and a limitless glorification of the fortune amassed by rich white people. The judges appointed under Reagan and Bush have lifted any legal limitation on the influence of private money in politics, which greatly complicates the task of candidates like Sanders.

Ricky Martin, Natalia Lafourcade y Pitbull fueron algunos de los ganadores de las categorías latinas de la 58º edición de los Premios Grammy


Ricky Martin, Natalia Lafourcade y Pitbull fueron algunos de los ganadores de las categorías latinas de la 58º edición de los Premios Grammy, tal y como se anunció en la gala previa que se celebra en estos momentos en Los Ángeles.

Ricky Martin se impuso en la categoría de mejor álbum de pop latino por "A quien quiera escuchar" frente a los nominados Alejandro Sanz ("Sirope"), Julieta Venegas ("Algo sucede"), Pablo Alborán ("Terral") y Alex Cuba ("Healer").

Es el segundo Grammy para el artista puertorriqueño tras ganar en 1998 el premio a mejor actuación de pop latino con "Vuelve".

Por su parte, Pitbull ("Dale") y Natalia Lafourcade ("Hasta la raíz") compartieron el galardón al mejor álbum latino de rock, alternativo o urbano, al que también estaban nominados Bomba Estéreo ("Amanecer"), Monsieur Periné ("Caja de música") y La Cuneta de Son Machín ("Mondongo").

Asimismo, el panameño Rubén Blades obtuvo su octavo Grammy al vencer al mejor álbum de música tropical por "Son de Panamá", junto a Roberto Delgado & Orchestra, mientras que Los Tigres del Norte obtuvieron su séptimo premio de la Academia de la Grabación al vencer en la categoría de mejor disco de música regional mexicana con "Realidades".

En el apartado de mejor álbum de jazz latino resultó vencedora la pianista y cantante brasileña Eliana Elías por su disco "Made In Brazil".

Además, el compositor y director de orquesta de origen cubano Arturo O'Farrill, al frente de The Afro Latin Jazz Suite, ganó el Grammy a mejor composición instrumental.

Celebrada en el Microsoft Theater, a escasos metros del Staples Center donde tendrá lugar la gala principal, la ceremonia previa de los premios Grammy entregará 75 galardones de las 83 categorías existentes en total.


La gala principal, que volverá a ser dirigida por LL Cool J, comenzará a las 17.00 hora local de Los Ángeles (01.00 GMT) y verá las actuaciones de nombres como Justin Bieber, Pitbull, Adele, Lady Gaga, Taylor Swift, Alabama Shakes, Kendrick Lamar, Little Big y The Weeknd, entre otros.


Woman from south-west China has shocked internet users with her looks. Can you believe she's FIFTY? Glamorous grandmother who looks decades younger says sleeping naked and taking hot baths are her secrets to youth

    The glamorous grandmother has wowed Chinese internet users with photos taken during a photo shoot 
  • The age-defying grandmother is welcoming her 50th birthday this year 
  • She says patting her face daily and homemade face masks are also helpful
Qin Ling, a mother of two and grandma of one from Chongqing, is welcoming her 50th birthday this year.
Beauty: Qin Ling, mother of two and a grandma, has shocked internet users with her youthful looking photos 
The daughters of Qin Ling posted photos of her online
Beauty: Qin Ling, mother of two and a grandma has shocked internet users with her youthful looking photos
The glamorous grandmother has wowed Chinese internet users with photos taken during a photo shoot
Qin Ling's daughters arranged a photo shoot for her birthday in last August and later uploaded her photos online which gained a lot of attention on social media.
Qin Ling is divorced and says because of her life as a single mother, she didn't have any money to spend on maintaining her looks.  
Speaking with Chinese media she said: 'I pat my face down daily and sleep naked once a week.
Also I make a cucumber, yogurt, honey and pearl powder mask which is effective.' 
The granny is set to appear on reality television show Mamma Mia, where mothers show off their talents. 
The television show which airs today in China will show Qin Ling appearing with her two daughters and granddaughter. 
Granny: Pictured with her granddaughter, the woman is set to appear on a Chinese reality program today
Granny: Pictured with her granddaughter, the woman is set to appear on a Chinese reality program today
Proud of their sprightly parent: Qin Ling's daughters arranged a photo shoot as a gift for their mother
Proud of their sprightly parent: Qin Ling's daughters arranged a photo shoot as a gift for their mother
Her youthful looks have even tricked online users with one man on social media site QQ declaring his love for her after seeing her photo. 
According to the grandma, despite the fact that she was single at the time, she refused the recent graduate's advances because the age gap was more than twenty years. 
She says she wants to find someone older than her to settle down with. 
Qin didn't tell her daughters about the man's advances because it would have been too embarrassing. 
Youthful look: The woman says that the trick to looking young is sleeping naked and making face masks
Youthful look: The woman says that the trick to looking young is sleeping naked and making face masks
TV star: Qin Ling with her daughters on Mama Mia, a reality chat show which is set to air today in China
TV star: Qin Ling with her daughters on Mama Mia, a reality chat show which is set to air today in China

La Juana de Arco del PP, Esperanza Aguirre por etapas.

Esperanza Aguirre, en su condición de personaje político tiene tres momentos bien diferentes. El primero es el de la tontita de la alta sociedad madrileña, condesa consorte de Bornos -con grandeza de España-, y sucesora -por su paralelo histórico- de Beatriz Galindo (La Latina), que  también se convirtió en vizcondesa consorte de Bornos por su matrimonio con Francisco Ramírez de Madrid. Durante este período (1983-1999) la señora Aguirre fue concejala de Madrid durante trece años, y ministra de Educación y Cultura de Aznar, en el que alcanzó fama de ser errática e incompetente, y solo sirvió -en la misma línea que Fernando Morán- para ponerle gracia y figura a los chistes burlones que por entonces se hacían.

En la segunda etapa, en la que ocupa la presidencia del Senado (1999-2002), y de la Comunidad de Madrid (2003-2012), la señora Aguirre y Gil de Biedma cambia de registro, y se convierte en la referencia más clara de este PP que, tras el ínterin del zapaterismo, llegaría a ser el partido más poderoso de la actual democracia, y el que, con Rajoy al frente, iba a plantarle cara a la crisis. Al contrario que en su primera etapa, doña Esperanza se mostró como una lideresa indiscutible, tanto en el campo electoral (una mayoría relativa y tres absolutas en Madrid), como en el campo ideológico neoliberal. Y, pese al traje a medida que se le hizo a posteriori, en el marco de la crisis, cuajó una exitosa labor de gobierno que fue clave para la victoria del PP en el 2011.

La tercera etapa, la más polémica, estuvo marcada por su enfrentamiento abierto y fracasado con Mariano Rajoy en el congreso de Valencia. En el intento de culminar su carrera como presidenta del Gobierno nació el teatral personaje que ahora dimite y se derrumba, no tanto por su trayectoria, como por haber tomado todas sus decisiones y actitudes con la obsesiva intención de marcarle el camino a Mariano Rajoy. Con esa finalidad fue asumiendo riesgos y autocríticas en los casos Gürtel y Púnica, y forzando su candidatura a la alcaldía de Madrid, hasta convertirse en un número suelto e incómodo del PP de hoy.

Por eso dimite Esperanza Aguirre, le faltaban días para que se terminase su mandato. Para decirle a Rajoy que cobarde el último y que así se hace, y arrastrada al abismo por el personaje de lideresa que poco a poco se fue creyendo. Y por eso me temo que, aunque es posible que Aguirre tenga razón en que así se asumen responsabilidades, esta caída sea su tercer fracaso frente a la esfinge Rajoy, que debe respirar aliviado por el suicidio -bastante esperado- de tan incómodo personaje.


Mi opinión, no obstante, es que era una política de pies a cabeza, y que, si no vuelve a rebelarse contra su propio destino, tendrá una historia muy confortable. Aunque debo confesarles -para que vean que nada le debo- que nunca la vi en persona, ni tuve el gusto de hablar con ella.

Syrian refugees in Turkey are pawns in a geopolitical game. THE CRISIS?

Syrian refugees in Turkey’s government is trying to negotiate with the EU, using refugees as bargaining chips. This hardly brings the crisis closer to a resolution

In September 2015, Donald Tusk, the president of the European Council, alarmingly prophesied: “We are talking about millions of potential refugees trying to reach Europe, not thousands.” In a short space of time his worries were confirmed. Today, Europe’s best bet against the mounting crisis seems to be to deploy the new regime in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP), with its mutating mixture of extreme nationalism, conservative religion, and militarisation. A harsh crackdown on refugees within Turkey began in October and has continued unabated. As one lawyer put it, Europe has “outsourced its border security to Turkey”.

The EU is now offering €3bn, along with a “visa-free travel” promise to Turkish citizens, and even the resumption of membership talks in return for the “globalisation” of Turkey’s police state techniques, which will be used not just against internal opposition, but whomever is perceived to be a threat to Europe’s stability. No critical analyst ever believed that the major reason why Turkey was not accepted into the EU was “lack of democracy”. This is now confirmed by the EU’s actions. The underlying logic was the protection of Fortress Europe.

Until a few years ago, one prominent objection to Turkey’s accession to the EU concerned the borders of Europe. “I can’t imagine the EU being neighbours with Iran,” the argument went. Today, Turkey’s neighbours have forcefully penetrated Fortress Europe. They are no longer neighbours in the geopolitical sense, but everyday, tangible neighbours for those in Europe.

Putting all the burden on the shoulders of Turkey seems a desirable option, but it is not viable, let alone fair. Turkey is already home to around 2.5 million Syrian refugees. The government is holding them as bargaining chips in its many negotiations with Europe. These people are not on any dignified path to citizenship. With Europe’s new deal, citizenship is rendered even more unlikely: since Europe does not want them within its borders, and as the “visa-free travel” promise (if kept) would allow all Turkish citizens to freely circulate within the Schengen area (by 2018 the latest), their naturalisation could not be tolerated (unless European authorities devise cumbersome and disingenuous policies that would exclude Turkish citizens of refugee origin from the visa agreement).
Besides, the Turkish regime is developing ever more complex ways of exploiting the refugees. As the recently leaked talks of October 2015 show, President Erdoğan threatened European authorities with sending large numbers of refugees so that “the EU will be confronted with more than a dead boy on the shores of Turkey. There will be 10,000 or 15,000.” Then he rhetorically asked: “How will you deal with that?” Last week, when pressured by the UN and the EU to open Turkey’s borders to those fleeing from Aleppo, he seized the opportunity to repeat his threat in public, unashamed of the leak, in fact empowered by it.

The increasing presence of Syrians has already had a corrosive impact on Turkish society. En route to Europe they have helped to bring out the best and the worst in the Turks (across the secular-religious divide), where abusive employment of informal labour and racist rhetoric coexists with social activism and expansive charitable organisation seeking to mitigate the Syrians’ woes. The unwelcome spread of the refugees has further polarised an already polarised society. The same is bound to happen with greater intensity in Europe, which will not be able to escape further ideological and economic polarisation for decades to come.

The Turkish regime may have scored lots of PR points by opening its doors to millions of Syrians
And yet there is no stopping it. Millions of Syrians and other Middle Easterners are going to be an enduring feature of the western landscape. The deal with Turkey will not stop immigrants from coming: it will only force them to come through even riskier, deadlier routes, further embittered and emboldened to face all kinds of mistreatment in their new homes. Syrians will endure further humiliation at the hands of liberal westerners. If there weren’t enough warnings already, a German man’s attack on two Afghans (with a Nazi salute) should be a wake-up call.

Given that this is what they will get in Europe, many people still don’t understand how Syrians could risk the lives of their young children to reach the Greek shores. Couldn’t they simply stay in Turkey to enjoy the relative wealth and security of that country?

The Turkish regime may have scored many PR points by opening its doors to millions of Syrians, but it can’t do much more than simply allow them in. The refugee camps have been in terrible shape and people have had to beg, or work low-wage, low-security jobs in the inner cities. Escape from this has become the only route for these people.


However, things are not going to be much better in Europe. A few “quotas” and face-saving moves by a couple of liberal regimes are not going to change the refugees’ plight. Massive and coordinated global action is necessary to correct these wrongs.