Madaya: In Syrian Town Cut Off From the World, Glimpses of Deprivation

Nisrine kept teaching school for months as the siege tightened around the Syrian town of Madaya, but had to give up a few weeks ago when her students got too weak from starvation to walk to class. A local medic has been surviving on the rehydration salts he gives patients, while a business school graduate makes soup from grass for his 70-year-old father, consulting shepherds about which ones their long-since-slaughtered flocks liked best.

The people of Madaya and neighboring Zabadani have tried, since the siege by pro-government forces began in July, to keep society functioning and adjust to their surreal new set of dynamics. There is the black market across blockade lines, for instance, and the quiet or unexpected ways this type of warfare can kill: heart attacks, stillbirths, a step on a land mine while foraging for food.

“I don’t go anywhere,” said Maleka Jabir, 85, who inherited American citizenship from her father, a World War I veteran, and is so disabled from hunger and heart problems she can hardly walk. “I just crumple up and stay in bed.”
Convoys set off Thursday to bring basic food, medicine and aid to three Syrian towns, for the second time this week, as Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon of the United Nations declared that “the use of food as a weapon is a war crime” and called on the Syrian government and all warring parties to immediately lift their sieges. Aid workers say hundreds of people in Madaya remain in acute need: at least 28 have died since Dec. 1, according to Khaled Mohammad, the medical worker surviving on salts, including a 37-year-old man on Wednesday, Ali Awkar, who was from Zabadani and had taken refuge in Madaya.
Hanaa Singer, Unicef’s top official in Syria, said that she was accosted during the aid visit to Madaya on Monday by a woman with six malnourished children.
“She threw herself on me and kissed my shoulder and bent down to my hands,” Ms. Singer recalled. “She said: ‘My 17-year-old son died of hunger. Please keep the rest of them alive.’”
This portrait of life in Madaya is drawn from interviews with more than a dozen residents, conducted over several months and in recent days by telephone and over the Internet; many spoke on the condition that they be identified only by first name, for safety. While details of their experiences could not be independently confirmed, international aid workers who have visited the town or been in direct contact with groups on the ground provided accounts that echoed the residents’.
After nearly five years of civil war in Syria, the United Nations estimates that 400,000 people are trapped behind battle lines by the government, the Islamic State or rival insurgents.
While parts of Homs and the Damascus suburbs have been blockaded for years, Madaya managed to survive relatively unscathed, until last summer.

Madaya and Zabadani lie at the southeastern end of the Qalamoun mountains along Syria’s border with Lebanon. Zabadani, where local rebels took control in 2012, became a haven for insurgents driven from other border areas by Hezbollah, the Lebanese Shiite militia allied with President Bashar al-Assad.

Both locals and Hezbollah officials say most of the fighters in Zabadani are affiliated with a Syrian Islamist group called Ahrar al-Sham, and smaller numbers with the more moderate Free Syrian Army and the Qaeda-linked Nusra Front.
Weeks of bombardment last summer by Hezbollah did not dislodge the insurgents. Pro-government forces ramped up pressure by cordoning off Zabadani and Madaya, where many civilians from Zabadani — including Nisrine, the teacher — had taken refuge. Looking for leverage, allied insurgents began blockading and bombarding Fouaa and Kfarya, two isolated Shiite towns in Idlib Province, in Syria’s northwest.
It worked, partly. A cease-fire was struck in September, but with Russia’s new air campaign in Syria, promises to evacuate the wounded and lift the sieges were never carried out. Madaya residents say the siege tightened instead.
Nisrine stopped getting her salary. Her school was bombarded. She sent her own son to school without breakfast, and students began to lose focus.
“How can I ask him to learn, and he’s hungry?” she said back in October.
The medical clinic in Madaya, which works with Doctors Without Borders, was bombed, and thus was moved to a basement. Mr. Mohammad, an anesthesia technician who has been acting as a doctor, said he was overwhelmed with cases he could not properly treat: broken bones, amputations, abdominal wounds. He performed primitive C-sections. Lately, he has resorted to giving the most endangered children syrupy medicines, for the glucose, further depleting supplies.
Once, Mr. Mohammad said, medics persuaded Hezbollah guards to allow a 16-year-old boy with a bladder infection to leave for treatment.
“We kissed their shoes,” Mr. Mohammad said later.
“We’re ready to surrender, but the regime has frozen everything,” he added. “I’m asking Bashar’s regime to launch a rocket and end our lives.”
Hungry women’s breast milk began to dry up. Rima, 25, said her newborn died for lack of an incubator

“I didn’t feed him, didn’t give him warmth,” she said quietly in an interview days after his death. “I only saw him in a photo.”
Finding food was getting harder. Aid workers and residents said fighters on both sides profited from smuggling it across the lines. There were bribes to cross checkpoints, price-gouging, and regular merchants jacking up prices for scarce supplies. Basic goods could cost $100 a pound.
An anti-government activist named Firas has managed to smuggle in small batches of bulgur wheat that he delivers door to door.
“Oh God, oh God, I hope he’s bringing more,” Samar al-Hussein, 45, a traditional medicine practitioner, said one recent evening as Firas came slowly up her street. A dozen other women, she said by phone, were watching quietly from their doorways.
Firas, though, was in shock. He had taken a meal to the house of Suleiman Fares, 63 and bone-thin, in hopes of saving his life, only to find him already dead. Frustrated, Firas declared that far to the north, rebels allied with those in Madaya ought to resume shelling two pro-government towns — towns full of civilians who are also suffering, tit for tat, a siege from the other side.
“Better to die fighting,” he said that night in one of a series of recent telephone interviews, “than to starve.”
Before Monday, only one shipment of aid had made it through during the siege, on Oct. 18. But half of the high-energy biscuits in that delivery had expired, making some people sick; the United Nations blamed an error in the loading process in Damascus.
The business school graduate, Hamoudi, who is 27, said his father sometimes refuses to eat, “saving it for us.”
“We don’t eat in the morning. We save the food until evening,” he explained. By food, he referred mainly to water, spices and sometimes grass. “But nowadays there is no more grass,” Hamoudi lamented. “The whole area is covered with snow, and some of the grass is bitter.”
When a donkey was slaughtered, he took home a few ounces of meat, though eating it is prohibited by Islam.
“Starvation is infidel,” he explained. “There is no more halal and haram,” he added, referring to religiously permitted and prohibited foods. “We’re eating everything.”
Finally, in December, a few hundred wounded fighters were evacuated from Zabadani, Fouaa and Kfarya. Nisrine’s husband, Ahmed, was bused from Zabadani to Beirut, then flown to Turkey, and from there shuttled into rebel-held Idlib Province.
His wife and 10-year-old son, Abdullah, remained stuck in Madaya. Ahmed, the evacuated fighter, said he recently spoke to the boy.
“I know he’s hungry, but he doesn’t want to say,” the father said in a telephone interview. ”Even kids are acting like adults. He no longer asks me to bring sweets — just bread.”
Their neighbors had just slaughtered the last horse in town.
“I know that horse,” Ahmed said wistfully.
“I don’t know what the regime wants,” he added. “We are ready to leave, but they want us to die there.”
Ms. Singer, the Unicef official, said that when she arrived with aid on Monday, crowds of children gathered around her in the dark, pleading, “Auntie, auntie, I’m sorry, I’m so sorry, do you have a piece of bread?”
“That’s what killed me,” she said. “That they were apologizing.”

In the food packs were basics like bulgur and oil, a few pounds per person. But not flour. Or bread.

Debate Spotlight Intensifies as Iowa Caucuses Near. Trump vs. Ted Cruz

North Charleston Coliseum, the site of Thursday night’s Republican presidential debate, in North Charleston, S.C. Credit Randall Hill
Thursday night’s Republican presidential debate in North Charleston, S.C., will be the sixth of the primary campaign, but only the next to last before the Iowa caucuses on Feb. 1. And as Newt Gingrich can attest, face-offs held in the final weeks and days before the nominating contests tend to matter more. And the attacks tend to get rougher.
Here are some likely clashes to watch for in the main debate, to be shown on Fox Business Network at 9 p.m. Eastern time.

Trump vs. Cruz

Donald J. Trump, through a series of news media appearances, has slowly but ingeniously generated and encouraged questions about Senator Ted Cruz’s eligibility to be president of the United States.
Mr. Cruz, the Texas senator, was born in Canada to a Cuban father but to an American mother, which legal experts say clears any constitutional hurdle. But a number of new polls indicate that the attacks might be taking a toll on Mr. Cruz, who narrowly leads Mr. Trump in Iowa.

Donald Trump during a campaign rally in Pensacola, Fla., on Wednesday. Credit Michael Snyder
Mr. Cruz, for his part, has responded by dispensing with his hard-and-fast rule against attacking Mr. Trump, whose supporters he hopes to win over, or perhaps inherit, down the road.
It remains to be seen whether Mr. Cruz will forcefully assail Mr. Trump’s command of foreign affairs, his “New York values” or anything else about him in a nationally televised debate.
But Mr. Trump may not need to mention Canada at all. The New York Times’s report that Mr. Cruz, who spent years railing against bank bailouts, received up to $1 million in undisclosed loans from Goldman Sachs and Citibank for his first Senate campaign, could be a brutal weapon for any rival to use against him.

Cruz and Christie vs. Rubio

Will Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey and Mr. Cruz team up against Senator Marco Rubio of Florida? And will Mr. Rubio be ready for them?
For weeks, Mr. Christie seemed to be having a resurgence in New Hampshire. Then an outside group supporting Mr. Rubio aimed a blistering attack ad at him there. Mr. Christie responded viscerally, saying that Mr. Rubio was too weak and ineffective to take on Hillary Clinton and suggesting that she would “cut his heart out” in a general election debate.
Mr. Rubio also strayed into a minefield with Mr. Cruz after trying to deflect criticism of his own record on immigration by suggesting that the two shared the same positions on it. Mr. Cruz has retaliated by pointing repeatedly to Mr. Rubio’s work with Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, who is loathed by conservatives, on a failed effort to overhaul the nation’s immigration laws, which conservatives loathed even more.
In both instances, Mr. Rubio appeared to wander into a fight that became more intense than he was ready for. And his allies have generally been better at complaining about the attacks against him than at answering them effectively.

Sen. Ted Cruz spoke in Dorchester, S.C., on Wednesday. Credit Scott Olson

Bush vs. Trump, or Someone Else?

But Mr. Trump is not Mr. Bush’s most immediate concern. The “super PAC” supporting Mr. Bush, Right to Rise USA, has been firing away with direct mail pieces at Mr. Christie in New Hampshire. And Mr. Bush has raised questions about Mr. Christie’s record as the steward of New Jersey’s finances.
Right to Rise has also been bludgeoning Mr. Rubio in television ads. But Mr. Bush’s efforts to deliver similar attacks personally backfired months ago, fueling Mr. Rubio’s rise.
Like Mr. Christie, Mr. Rubio and Gov. John R. Kasich of Ohio, Mr. Bush is vying for support from right-of-center voters who are turned off by Mr. Trump and Mr. Cruz. He badly needs a breakthrough debate moment.
Should he successfully go after someone who poses a direct threat to his strategy, he could steal attention heading into the final stretch before Iowa and New Hampshire.

Trump vs. Himself


In the five previous debates, Mr. Trump has been flanked by a wide array of rivals on either side. At times, he seemed content to disappear while others onstage addressed the intricacies of policy — the sort of matters that Mr. Trump has sometimes appeared to bluff his way through.
But in South Carolina, just seven candidates will participate in the main event. That means more microphone time for Mr. Trump, but less opportunity to hide.
And the moderators, from Fox Business, were heavily focused on policy in the last debate they oversaw, in Wisconsin in November. Their questions then were dense with details and did not often lend themselves to glib answers.

El tribunal alemán, otra interrogante nacista de la justicia teutona, ni absuelve a Carles Puigdemont ni legitima el secesionismo ni lo prohíbe.



La Ministra de justicia alemana, Katarina Barley, cacarea por los medios de comunicación  alemanes que la decisión del tribunal de Schleswig-Holstein en el caso Puigdemont es justa y razonada.

Si el caso hubiese sido al revés, Ángela Merkel se hubiese comido a Mariano Rajoy. Alemania está dotando de armamento al secesionismo catalán.

Los cabezas cuadradas  del Tribunal de Schleswig-Holstein han decidido o qué se yo, de no admitir la petición de entrega a España del expresident de la Generalitat Carles Puigdemont por el delito de rebelión no equivale, como han pretendido algunos, a un veredicto incriminatorio sobre la democracia española, su Estado de derecho ni sus instituciones judiciales. Tampoco puede ser leída como una absolución, total o parcial, de los líderes independentistas actualmente encausados por el Tribunal Supremo y, por supuesto, menos aún como una legitimación de las gravísimas actuaciones por ellos desarrolladas en los funestos meses de septiembre y octubre del año pasado.

Esa lectura no es posible porque, como el propio tribunal alemán ha explicado, queda acreditado no solo que hubo violencia, sino que “los actos violentos” del 1-O “se pueden imputar al acusado en cuanto iniciador y defensor de la celebración del referéndum”. Cuestión distinta es que el tribunal no aprecie que el grado de violencia atribuible a Puigdemont fuese tan abrumador como para obligar al Gobierno a “capitular” ante sus exigencias, que sería el requisito de gravedad que en Alemania convertiría el delito español de rebelión en el alemán de alta traición y que permitiría franquear así la euroentrega. En consecuencia, el tribunal ha estimado que los delitos no son equivalentes, como exige la Decisión Marco de 2002 que regula la euroorden, no que el delito no existiera en España de acuerdo con la legislación española.

Tampoco valida el Tribunal los argumentos de Puigdemont respecto a la comisión de “persecución política” en España, dejando así al descubierto la falsedad de la afirmación —que éste volvió a repetir a la salida de la prisión— sobre la existencia de presos políticos en España. No hay por tanto sustento en los intentos de Puigdemont y los suyos de autoabsolverse valiéndose del pronunciamiento del tribunal alemán, ni tampoco queda expedita la vía para un retorno de Puigdemont a la Presidencia de la Generalitat.

El tribunal no valida los argumentos de Puigdemont sobre la “persecución política”

Es cierto que la causa en Tribunal Supremo queda en una posición difícil, pero no imposible, pues el juez Llarena tiene ante sí varias vías de actuación, incluyendo el planteamiento de una cuestión prejudicial ante el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea que permita verificar si los jueces alemanes han aplicado correctamente el mecanismo de la euroorden.

Pero más allá del curso judicial que siga el proceso, ni Puigdemont ni los independentistas van a lograr cambiar los hechos que caracterizan su gravísimo proceder, su deslealtad a la democracia, a la Constitución española, a las instituciones del autogobierno catalán y, en definitiva, a los ciudadanos de este país, cuyos derechos políticos han lesionado de forma deliberada en su empeño de promover un proceso de secesión ilegal y de ruptura de nuestro país.

Esos hechos son claros y están a la vista de todos. Incluyeron derogar la Constitución y el Estatut; elevar unas leyes sediciosas votadas por medio Parlament a sustitutos de esas normas supremas; y hacerlo desobedeciendo a los tribunales y sin la concurrencia de mayoría cualificada, y por métodos que privaron a la oposición (que representa a más de la mitad de los catalanes) de sus funciones representativas y de control. Todo ello constituyó un golpe de Estado que no solo merece condena política sino reprobación judicial aunque corresponda a los tribunales establecer los tipos de aplicación concretos.

La democracia española ha estado en peligro. Por fortuna, su Estado de derecho funciona

Independientemente de su calificación judicial, el procés tuvo un carácter violento: hubo usos indebidos y exorbitantes de la fuerza: hubo obstrucción física de la Justicia; destrucción de vehículos policiales; ocupación ilegal de carreteras; obstaculización de vías férreas con peligro para la integridad de los propios actuantes; intimidaciones y escraches contra personas, partidos y asociaciones considerados rivales o enemigos; violencia sobre objetos callejeros; y actuaciones del Govern y de la policía autonómica tendentes a facilitar algunos de esos abusos. Y sobre todo, fue un proceso presidido por la coacción, pues se violó la ley de forma sistemática para intentar imponer a la ciudadanía, desde la calle y desde las instituciones, una secesión unilateral, ilegal y obligatoria.

El secesionismo catalán pretendió situar al Estado ante el dilema de desbordar al Estado y forzarle a allanarse ante una independencia impuesta de forma ilegal; o bien emprender una actuación extrema cuyos perfiles sirviesen para autoinflingirse descrédito y un alto coste reputacional. Como carecía del apoyo de la mayoría social, el movimiento independentista pretendió imponerse por la vía de los hechos consumados. Una vía que, pese a algunas autocríticas, todavía no ha desechado de forma clara ni rotunda.

Ni el tribunal alemán ni la propaganda independentista pueden cambiar esos hechos, que son ya parte de la historia de los españoles y su lucha por mantener la democracia. La democracia española ha sido sometida a una dura prueba y ha estado en grave peligro. Pero su Estado de derecho y sus instituciones judiciales funcionan.

ETIQUETAS: Carles Puigdemont en libertad,  Independentismo. Cataluña, Generalitat, separatismo catalán, Gobierno autonómico, Ideologías, Comunidades autónomas, Política autonómica, presupuestos 2018,

Merkel: Migrants sent from Landshut in south east 340 miles to outside the Chancellor's office in the German capital

Bavarian governor packs 31 migrants onto a coach and sends them on seven-hour journey to Angela Merkel's office in Berlin after warning the German leader: 'We can't manage'

  • Migrants sent from Landshut in south east 340 miles to outside the Chancellor's office in the German capital
  • Bavarian politician had told Merkel he would send refugees to her office 
  • Peter Dreier said last year he would carry out threat if district received more than 1,800 migrants 
  • Berlin has said they will shelter the refugees for tonight after they arrived in the centre of the city 

An irate politician in Bavaria has sent a bus packed with 31 migrants on a seven-hour journey to Angela Merkel's office in Berlin after warning the German leader: 'We can't manage'.
The refugees were put on a coach in Landshut, the southeastern town of Bavarian governor Peter Dreier, and transported 340 miles to the German capital.
Dreier appeared to be acting on a threat he made to Merkel last year. Critical of her stance that Germany can cope with the influx of migrants, he is said to have issued a warning to the chancellor in a phone call in October. 
And in an apparent victory for the Bavarian governor, the refugee will be allowed to stay in Berlin and not in Bavaria - at least for tonight. 
But while the media and police stood around the bus, Berlin city officials inside were seen negotiating with the Bavarians, as Syrians looked on with worried faces, glancing nervously at the TV cameras outside.
After two hours, Dreier said he had agreed to personally pay for the refugees' first night in a Berlin hotel, stressing that the bus had also been laid on by 'a private person', not with taxpayers money. 
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Protest: Bavarian dictrict councillor Peter Dreier said he wanted to 'send a sign that refugee policy cannot continue like this.' Above, the 31 refugees arrive at the Federal Chancellery, Angela Merkel's office in Berlin
Protest: Bavarian dictrict councillor Peter Dreier said he wanted to 'send a sign that refugee policy cannot continue like this.' Above, the 31 refugees arrive at the Federal Chancellery, Angela Merkel's office in Berlin
The refugees were put on a coach in Landshut, the southeastern town of Bavarian governor Peter Dreier and transported 340 miles to the Berlin office of Angela Merkel (pictured)

The refugees were put on a coach in Landshut, the southeastern town of Bavarian governor Peter Dreier (pictured), and transported 340 miles to the Berlin office of Angela Merkel

The refugees were put on a coach in Landshut, the southeastern town of Bavarian governor Peter Dreier (right), and transported 340 miles to the Berlin office of Angela Merkel (left) 
The refugees were put on a coach in southeastern Bavarian town of Landshut, and transported 340 miles to the German capital
The refugees were put on a coach in southeastern Bavarian town of Landshut, and transported 340 miles to the German capital
Angry: An irate politician in Bavaria has sent a bus (pictured) packed with 31 migrants on a seven-hour journey to Angela Merkel's office in Berlin after warning the German leader: 'We can't manage'
Angry: An irate politician in Bavaria has sent a bus (pictured) packed with 31 migrants on a seven-hour journey to Angela Merkel's office in Berlin after warning the German leader: 'We can't manage'
Private car: Peter Dreier spoke to journalists after he too made the trip to Berlin - but in a private car and not on the bus
Private car: Peter Dreier spoke to journalists after he too made the trip to Berlin - but in a private car and not on the bus
Unaware: The refugees travelled voluntarily, but were not aware they were part of a political point scoring exercise against Merkel's 'open door' policy
Unaware: The refugees travelled voluntarily, but were not aware they were part of a political point scoring exercise against Merkel's 'open door' policy

He said some of the refugees wanted to later take a look at available Berlin accommodation, others had asked to travel on to another city, Hamburg, and whoever wanted to could return to Landshut.
'Let's get some rest and see tomorrow,' said Dreier, of the small party 'Free Voters', sporting a traditional Bavarian coat for his trip to the capital.
The head of German refugee support group Pro Asyl, Guenther Burkhardt, criticised the refugee road trip, saying 'people are being exploited for the sake of media footage'.
'This doesn't solve the problems... this is a stunt that misuses the plight of refugees to send the message 'We want to close the borders',' he said.
Merkel has been praised for opening Germany's doors to those fleeing war and misery, but has also weathered harsh criticism, especially from Bavaria state, the main gateway for arriving refugees and migrants.

Dreier said 'there is no end in sight to the wave of refugees, and our country's ability to house them in a dignified way is deteriorating rapidly. And I don't see new apartments being built for the immigrants.'

He said his district had 66 migrant facilities, and around 70 more refugees were coming every week.

Although the 31 Syrians had official asylum status and were now free to look for a home anywhere in Germany, he said he had been keeping them in shelters so they would not end up homeless. 

The refugees themselves reportedly had no idea they were being used as part of a protest against Merkel's policy, and merely thought they were being given an opportunity to visit relatives in Berlin, according to German news channel n-tv and Zeit newspaper's online edition.

Landshut spokesman Elmar Stoettner told The Associated Press that all 31 refugees on the bus had been granted asylum in Germany and volunteered to participate in the bus trip.

The spokesman added that the ones without family in the German capital will probably 'go back to Bavaria if in Berlin they say that they don't want them.'
Arrival: The bus, with refugees is pictured arriving at the Chancellery building in Berlin, this afternoon
'If Germany is taking in a million refugees, mathematically that means 1,800 will come to my district. 
'I will take them and if there are any more, I will send them to your office,' Die Welt quoted Dreier as saying.
Dreier represents the Freie Waehler, a loose grouping of politicians who do not have a common policy, but campaign on individual issues mostly at the local level.
Merkel is under increasing pressure to stem the flow of migrants coming to Germany, many from war zones in the Middle East or Africa, since she implemented a de facto 'open door' policy to migrants in response to the Syrian refugee crisis.
Merkel's spokesman Steffen Seibert said tonight in a statement that while the government is aware of the fact that the high number of refugees is a challenge for the communities, it also supports them financially in handling the crisis.
The federal government has also pledged to provide more than 1 billion euros (1.08 billion dollars) annually until 2019 for social housing, Seibert pointed out. 
Merkel is under increasing pressure to stem the flow of migrants coming to Germany, many from war zones in the Middle East or Africa
Local authorities are stretched both financially and logistically to house and look after refugees and there has been a backlash by right-wing groups who have warned of the problems of integration
Local authorities are stretched both financially and logistically to house and look after refugees and there has been a backlash by right-wing groups who have warned of the problems of integration
Some 1.1 million people arrived last year and several thousand continue to cross the border every day, and frustration among the local community continue to increase as resources are under strain.
Local authorities are stretched both financially and logistically to house and look after refugees and there has been a backlash by right-wing groups who have warned of the problems of integration. 
Mass sexual assaults on women in the western city of Cologne at New Year by gangs of young men described by police as being of Arab or North African in appearance, have deepened worries. 
Police registered 652 criminal complaints related to the night's events, which saw nearly 100 women robbed and sexually assaulted.
Protests held by far-right anti-Islam groups in the wake of the attacks have swept across the country this month, with social media vigilante groups created to 'protect women from migrants' gaining thousands of members.
And hundreds of anti-refugee rioters caused chaos in Leipzig on Monday after a demonstration where they called for asylum seekers to be deported and their nation's borders closed.  
The frustration in Bavaria, the main entry point for most migrants coming to Germany, is especially strong with Merkel's conservative allies, the Christian Social Union (CSU), repeatedly calling on her to introduce a formal cap on migrant numbers.  
Sheltered: Berlin city said they would offer overnight shelter for the refugees 

Sheltered: Berlin city said they would offer overnight shelter for the refugees 
She has resisted such a cap, arguing that it would be impossible to enforce. 
But support for Merkel's conservatives has fallen according to the first mass opinion polls published since Cologne attacks.
The survey for public broadcaster ARD showed support for Merkel's conservative bloc, comprised of her Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the Bavarian Christian Social Union (CSU), falling two points to 37 percent.
It also showed a narrow majority of Germans to be sceptical that the country can manage its huge influx of migrants.  
Asked whether they agreed with Merkel's optimistic 'we can do this' mantra, 51 percent of the survey's respondents expressed doubts about Germany's ability to manage the crisis, while 44 percent backed the chancellor's stance.
The poll showed that Germans were roughly evenly divided on whether the migrant influx scared them, with 48 percent saying it did and 50 percent saying it was not a source of concern.
Frustration: Bavaria is the main entry point for most migrants coming to Germany, and frustration runs high among Merkel's conservative allies. Above, migrants board a bus near Regenstauf, nearly 80km north of Landshut

Frustration: Bavaria is the main entry point for most migrants coming to Germany, and frustration runs high among Merkel's conservative allies. Above, migrants board a bus near Regenstauf, nearly 80km north of Landshut


Antoine Griezmann made sure of the win when he scored in 80th minute, Scores twice as hosts secure Copa del Rey progression

Atletico Madrid 3-0 (agg 4-1) Rayo Vallecano: Antoine Griezmann scores twice as hosts secure Copa del Rey progression

  • Argentinian attacker Angel Correa opened the scoring before the break
  • Correa struck in the 40th minute to send Atletico Madrid well on their way 
  • Antoine Griezmann made sure of the win when he scored in 80th minute
  • French international attacker Griezmann then grabbed a third very late on 

Antoine Griezmann scored twice off the bench as Atletico Madrid sealed a place in the Copa del Rey quarter-finals with victory at home to Rayo Vallecano on Thursday.
Atletico join holders and record winners Barcelona, Athletic Bilbao, Sevilla, Celta Vigo, Valencia, Las Palmas and second-division Mirandes, the only non-La Liga side left in the competition, in Friday's draw for the last eight.
Rayo held their more illustrious city neighbours to a 1-1 draw in last week's last 16, first leg at their Vallecas stadium and were sniffing a possible upset ahead of the return across town at Atletico's Calderon arena.
Atletico Madrid's Argentinian  attacker Angel Correa celebrates after scoring on Thursday night in Madird
Atletico Madrid's Argentinian  attacker Angel Correa celebrates after scoring on Thursday night in Madird
Keeper Yoel Rodriguez dives but is unable to stop Correa from opening the scoring at the Vicente Calderon 
Keeper Yoel Rodriguez dives but is unable to stop Correa from opening the scoring at the Vicente Calderon 
Correa (centre) is joined by team-mates Jesus Gamez (left) and Matias Kranevitter (right) on Thursday night
Correa (centre) is joined by team-mates Jesus Gamez (left) and Matias Kranevitter (right) on Thursday night
The Atletico Madrid players celebrate their opener in the first half of their Spanish cup clash in Madrid

The Atletico Madrid players celebrate their opener in the first half of their Spanish cup clash in Madrid
Atletico Madrid's Antoine Griezmann makes the most of some poor defending to grab his side's second

Atletico Madrid's Antoine Griezmann makes the most of some poor defending to grab his side's second
French international attacker Griezmann celebrates his goal as Ateltico Madrid secured their cup progress
French international attacker Griezmann celebrates his goal as Ateltico Madrid secured their cup progress

But Angel Correa's powerful strike from the edge of the penalty area, which flew in off the underside of the crossbar, put the 2013 winners ahead five minutes before half time.
Griezmann hooked in a second for the home side in the 80th minute and the in-form France forward made it 3-0 in added time with a breakaway goal for a 4-1 aggregate victory.
Rayo, who are second from bottom in La Liga at the halfway stage, barely troubled Miguel Angel Moya in the Atletico goal and must now turn their attention to avoiding relegation. 
Ace Jose Ignacio Martinez (left) slides into a tackle during Thursday night's game at the Vicente Calderon 
Ace Jose Ignacio Martinez (left) slides into a tackle during Thursday night's game at the Vicente Calderon 
Atletico Madrid coach Diego Simeone gestures to his players as they look to secure progression in the cup
Atletico Madrid coach Diego Simeone gestures to his players as they look to secure progression in the cup
Atletico Madrid's forward Jackson Martinez (left) vies with Rayo Vallecano's Ze Castro under the floodlights
Atletico Madrid's forward Jackson Martinez (left) vies with Rayo Vallecano's Ze Castro under the floodlights
Portuguese defender Ze Castro (left) vies with Atletico Madrid's attacker Correa during the cup clash

Portuguese defender Ze Castro (left) vies with Atletico Madrid's attacker Correa during the cup clash
Martinez holds off a man while trying to keep control of the ball under pressure at the Vicente Calderon
Martinez holds off a man while trying to keep control of the ball under pressure at the Vicente Calderon
Rayo Vallecano's coach Paco Jemez (left) argues with the referee following a suspect decision in Madrid
Rayo Vallecano's coach Paco Jemez (left) argues with the referee following a suspect decision in Madrid
Correa, who opened the scoring, battles for the ball with Rayo Vallecano's Diego Llorente on Thursday night
Correa, who opened the scoring, battles for the ball with Rayo Vallecano's Diego Llorente on Thursday night
Martinez (right) gets to the ball ahead of opposition player Roberto Trashorras during the first half of the clash
Martinez (right) gets to the ball ahead of opposition player Roberto Trashorras during the first half of the clash


President Obama pleaded to “fix our politics” in his final State of the Union address on Tuesday.

President Obama’s urgent call in his final State of the Union address to “fix our politics” posed a fundamental question: Who broke them in the first place?
The answer is that both sides did. A steady erosion underway for years has accelerated during Mr. Obama’s time in the White House and now shows itself in congressional dysfunction and campaign vitriol. The restoration project could take some time.
“I think there’s probably a lot of us to blame,” Denis McDonough, the White House chief of staff, told reporters Wednesday. “It’s the structure of our campaigns, the structure of our districts, what’s happening in terms of news media — that is to say that you can select your news media the same way you select your neighborhood or your church.”
Republicans united in opposition to Mr. Obama to gain control of the House in 2010 and, ultimately, control of the Senate in 2014. Republicans are now so determined not to be seen as supportive of Mr. Obama that they sat silently Tuesday as he proclaimed the United States the most powerful nation on earth — usually a sure applause line.
Senators and representatives from both major political parties reacted to the president’s final State of the Union speech on Tuesday.
“It used to be a very positive thing for a member of Congress to say, ‘I can work with the president of the United States,’ ” said former Representative Vin Weber of Minnesota, a Republican strategist. “Now there’s no margin for that” for a lawmaker of the opposite party.
“Even if it were possible, the grass roots have become so polarized that it’s now seen as a negative, even dangerous,” Mr. Weber said.

Mr. Obama, after forcing through an aggressive economic and social agenda in his first two years in office, quickly grew frustrated with Republican resistance and engaged in a concerted campaign to go around lawmakers. His series of executive actions on health care, immigration and the environment drove Republicans into a frenzy of opposition. As divisions grew, Mr. Obama was increasingly defiant about his prerogative to act where Congress would not.
In the process, the two parties spent much of the Obama era trying to make the other responsible for the sorry state of political relations and gridlock. But both have contributed, as the permanent battle for congressional supremacy has at times led lawmakers to put political gain ahead of national interest and to oppose bills they actually support.

“To have the president of the United States talk about it in a State of the Union message illustrated that, without romanticizing the past, our politics is fundamentally changed from what it was, and in very disturbing ways,” Mr. Weber said. “We haven’t yet fully figured out, as the political class, what exactly is the source of this.”

As room for compromise disappeared, the public grew grimmer in its assessment as well.
In 2007, as the presidency of George W. Bush drew to a close, two-thirds of Americans thought the country was more politically divided than in the past, according to a poll by the Pew Research Center. With Mr. Obama’s election, that number dropped 20 percentage points, to 46 percent, but it has risen steadily throughout his tenure. The latest survey, conducted in the fall of 2015, found 79 percent saying the country was more polarized than it had been before.

Seeking a solution, Mr. Obama on Tuesday advocated a series of nuts-and-bolts changes along with his grander call for more civic engagement. But the steps he outlined — nonpartisan redistricting, campaign finance changes, rules to ease voting — are the kind that both sides talk about but rarely act on because of the political advantages one side or the other sees in maintaining the current system. Republicans, who control most state legislatures, like the current system of redistricting because it allows them to draw the lines. (Democrats enjoy the same advantage in states where they have the upper hand.)

The question is whether this time will be any different, though Mr. Obama pledged to press the case in his final year and when he is out of office.

At the same time, the president has no plans to pull back on his aggressive use of unilateral action to skirt Congress and accomplish his objectives, promising still more fodder for the cycle of division and blame he assailed in Tuesday’s speech.

Nor will Republicans shy from opposing such actions. Hours after Mr. Obama finished speaking on Tuesday, the House voted to nullify a set of water regulations Mr. Obama had issued, denouncing what they called another power grab. After that vote, they headed to Baltimore for a joint House-Senate retreat to plot an aggressive opposition agenda for 2016.