Mayor Anne Hidalgo-'Paris has changed permanently': a day on duty with mayor Anne Hidalgo


Anne Hidalgo, the mayor of Paris.
The French capital is deeply divided along right-left lines, but November’s terror attacks have made Anne Hidalgo determined that it remain a city of ‘liberty, tolerance and humanism’. Kim Willsher shadows her for a day
“I’d never seen a war zone before,” she recalled later. “Those haggard faces, the bodies I saw, they were just youngsters, hipsters. Some had bullets in the head … The heads of those youngsters were the heads of my children. I knew life could not continue as normal.”
Sitting in Paris’ Gare du Nord waiting for a train to London, the mayor of Paris is living that night again. She frowns and looks pained. It was, of course, the second major terror attack on the French capital in less than a year; Hidalgo knew several of the murdered Charlie Hebdo cartoonists, and was one of the first on the scene that day too. Now the people of Paris were looking to her for guidance again.
“That night, as I tried to console those who survived, I found people wanted to touch,” she says. “They wanted to hug. It was a very physical need; the need to feel others around them.”
Hidalgo describes seeing the dead laid out on the pavement outside the Bataclan: “It had all been planned, but the killing was so random. When you looked at the names of those who died, you saw they came from everywhere, and in a way this united all Parisians, wherever they were from.”



Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo accompanies German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Francois Hollande as they show their respects to the victims of the November terror attacks.
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 Paris mayor Anne Hidalgo accompanies German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Francois Hollande as they show their respects to the victims of the November terror attacks. Photograph: The Asahi Shimbun via Getty Imag

At that moment, the old-fashioned socialist policies (she calls them “humanist”) that have bitterly divided the capital since Hidalgo took office were put to one side, as she stepped into the role Rudolph Giuliani took on in New York after 9/11.
“She could have been defeated, but she held the city together,” Mathias Vicherat, her chief of staff, told Libération. “She succeeded in finding a balance between the compassion she was clearly feeling and that I could see on her face, and a kind of determination.”
Throughout the day that I follow her, Hidalgo demonstrates her fondness for physical contact; continually giving her security team the jitters by breaking away to say hello to fellow Parisians. As she is rushed through the Gare du Nord to catch the Eurostar train, “la Patronne” – as City Hall staff call her – stops to shake hands and exchange a few words with cleaners, security officers and waiters.
Her appearance, like her image, is understated: Hidalgo sports her usual combination of black trousers and matching tailored jacket. There is no expensive jewellery, barely a trace of lipstick, no nail varnish.
The mayor is on her way to London with her sports adviser, former rugby international Pierre Rabadan, to watch the Champions League return leg betweenParis Saint-Germain and Chelsea at Stamford Bridge. It is a flying visit to London, and she will not be meeting her counterpart Boris Johnson, who she insists – perhaps a little too strongly – that she admires: “He’s such a character, cultivated and intelligent ...”
London brings out a competitive streak in Hidalgo, who famously once dismissed the British capital as “a suburb of Paris”. After some petulant huffing from across the Channel, she tactfully added: “Seen from Shanghai, both cities are suburbs of each other” – but she had made her point.



Anne Hidalgo watches France v Nigeria on a big screen outside Paris City Hall during the 2014 World Cup.
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 Anne Hidalgo watches France v Nigeria on a big screen outside Paris City Hall during the 2014 World Cup. Photograph: Gonzalo Fuentes/Reuters

Hidalgo says she is surprised – and disappointed – by Johnson’s Brexit campaign, and jokes that she is tempted to turn the tables on him. “Remember when a socialist government was elected, and he offered to roll out the red carpet for French businesses that wanted to leave? I’m going to offer to do the same for British companies if you leave Europe.” She smiles, but it is clear she is only half-joking.


Running Paris leaves Hidalgo precious little family time but, after two hectic years in office, she insists it is still her dream job. “It’s a role where you can really change things on a human level; we are involved in all aspects of people’s daily lives. One minute I am looking at the organisation of public services like creches, childcare and school canteens; the next, wider issues like pollution and street cleaning.”Rabadan has recently become a father, and photographs are duly swapped during the journey. Hidalgo, who has two grown-up kids and a teenage son, all of whom have gone through state education, discusses their academic and sporting achievements like any proud maman. She talks warmly about her parents – father Antonio, an electrician, and mother Marie, a dressmaker – who live in their native Spain (Hidalgo herself was born near Cádiz), and her elder sister Marie, who is in Los Angeles.
On an average working day, she will be up at 6.30am to read the newspapers and any reports that need dealing with. She is at her grand office at City Hall overlooking the Seine – at 155 square metres, the biggest public office in France – at 8am. Staff say she is rarely home before 11pm, and this particular day she will not get home before 4am.
Today has begun with a visit to a “flood crisis centre”, where a simulation of the Seine rising by up to 6.5 metres above normal is being enacted. The exercise sprang out of a wider reflection of how to deal with crises after the November attacks, including flooding.
It is not an idle threat: in 1910 after heavy rain, snow and ice, the river, normally around 2m deep, rose to 8.63m, inundating the city’s drainage and sewerage system, sending torrents of foul icy water down the streets and causing 400 million francs – the equivalent of €1.6 billion today – of damage. Experts say it is only a matter of time before the Seine rises again.



Hidalgo attends the Socialist party’s Université d’été summer meeting in La Rochelle.
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 Hidalgo attends the Socialist party’s Université d’été summer meeting in La Rochelle. Photograph: Stephane Mahe/Reuters

In the crisis centre, officials jump to their feet as “Madame La Maire”, as she insists on being known (Le Maire is grammatically correct), arrives. “Pretend I’m not here,” she tells them, as photographers and camera crew jostle around her. It is day three of the pretend catastrophe: the Seine is 3.2m higher than normal, 210,000 people are without heating, the mobile telephone networks and refuse collection are threatened. Schools will have to closed


Then we are off in the mayoral “limousine” – an electric Renault Zoe – for a crawl across the city to the 19th arrondissement, where Hidalgo is opening Le Cargo, an immense “digital business incubator” (the biggest in Europe until the end of this year, when another, Halle Freyssinet, will open in Paris and become the biggest in the world).True to character, Hidalgo asks detailed technical questions; more fodder for those who accuse her of being a technocrat. The officials are delighted. The journalists yawn.
Attracting new business and global investment is one of the totems of Hidalgo’s programme for the French capital. Where the City of London has marketed itself as the financial capital of Europe, Hidalgo is on a mission to make Paris the continent’s digital hub.
Our progress is slowed by demonstrations at the Place de la République over work reforms proposed by France’s socialist government. Hidalgo, one of the few Parti Socialist figures whose popularity is rising, launches into a critique of the government and certain ministers. She has publicly opposed reforms that have led to clashes between riot police and protesters, claiming the measures will worsen working conditions. “This, from a left-wing government … hard to believe,” she says.
At Le Cargo, Hidalgo is joined by Valerie Pecresse, a former minister from the centre-right Les Republicains party who, after a surprise victory in December’s local elections, controls the regional council. Pecresse speaks first: her speech is brief, jovial and short on detail. Hidalgo follows: hers is long and serious. 
Critics accuse Hidalgo, who took a while to emerge from the shadow of her mentor and City Hall predecessor Bertrand Delanöe, of having little charisma. She counters: “When it comes to taking decisions, if you know the details you know what’s at stake.”



Hidalgo with United Nations special envoy for cities Michael Bloomberg and some of the 500 mayors attending the COP21 climate summit in Paris in December.
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 Hidalgo with United Nations special envoy for cities Michael Bloomberg and some of the 500 mayors attending the COP21 climate summit in Paris in December. Photograph: Christophe Morin/Bloomberg via Getty Images

As she leaves, Hidalgo is baited by a TV reporter over her working relationship with Pecresse; it is no secret the two have fundamentally opposed political views and little in common. Hidalgo’s smile drops briefly, and the response is what the French call “sec” (curt).
“We have different political ideas, but we work well together,” she says. “I know the media prefers women in politics to be hysterical so they can portray us as aliens, but it’s hard enough already for a woman to get to the top in politics.” With that she smiles, turns and walks off.


Hidalgo wants to know – in detail - what she and Paris can do to support the doctor’s work. Her interest is not for the media (apart from The Guardian, none are present) and as the clock ticks, jittery assistants appear at the door, shuffle their feet and look at their watches, but she will not be hurried.Before leaving for London, Hidalgo has a hastily scheduled meeting with Congolese gynaecologist Denis Mukwege, who won the 2014 Sakharov Prize for his work with raped and sexually abused women, as well as victims of Female Genital Mutilation.
Since taking office two years ago, Hidalgo has set out to change the landscape of French capital with a series of innovative ideas. Her insistence that the city’s wealthier arrondissements must bear their fair share of both social housing and centres for the city’s growing population of homeless and refugees, have proved divisive to the point of public revolt. At one recent meeting in the chic 16th arrondissement, one of Hidalgo’s deputies – sent to explain details of a proposed centre for the homeless in the area – was called a “crook”, “collaborator”, “bastard” and “son of a bitch”.
Hidalgo is clear that housing and pollution are the twin prongs of her mayoral mandate – and the keys to achieving greater social equality in Paris. Following the success of last September’s first car-free day, this summer a large stretch of highway along the Seine will be closed to vehicles, and eventually transformed into a pedestrian walkway from the Bastille to the Eiffel Tower. The most polluting cars are to be progressively banned from the city.



Hidalgo plans to pedestrianise the right bank of the Seine .
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 Hidalgo plans to pedestrianise the right bank of the Seine. Photograph: Luxigon

Paris’s symbolic squares, including Place de la Bastille and Place de la Nation, will also be given makeovers including more pedestrian and cycle space. Motoring organisations are outraged and claim shutting streets to vehicles will gridlock surrounding areas – adding to, not reducing, pollution. But Hidalgo will not budge on the issue, insisting Parisians have to be weaned off their dependence on private vehicles. And polls show a majority of people support her: even the most divisive, the closure of the Seine highway, is supported by 60% of Parisians.
But that’s far from the end of her ambitions. Hidalgo has promised to make all Paris’s public transport electric by 2030, all its public buildings energy efficient by 2050, and has introduced “participative democracy” – an annual poll in which Parisians propose and decide on ideas for 5% of the annual municipal budget (a sum amounting to around €20 million).
“I’ve been elected at a time of major economic crisis, and a crisis of confidence, in France,” she says. “We have to ask how we respond to that, and give added value by being responsible politicians. So we have introduced more participative democracy, with closer relations between the elected, the administration and the people. Parisians are now actors in this process and they often have good solutions. They feel more implicated in their city.”


“On one side, there’s a Paris that is young and female … on the other, a Paris that is older and male, settled in the bourgeois arrondissements and very critical [of Hidalgo],” says Frédéric Dabi, of the pollsters IFOP. “She’s very strongly appreciated by her electorate on the left, and she is, overall, maintaining that support – which is encouraging for her when you see the catastrophic state of the left at national level.”The city, though, is divided, according to a recent poll in the Journal du Dimanche(JDD), which found that 52% of Parisians judged her record since taking office “favourably”. While this rose to 72% of those who consider themselves left wing, and 60% among the under 35s, on the right, 70% of those asked were “unhappy” with her record. The JDD concluded that this was both “disappointing and encouraging” for Hidalgo.
Hidalgo says she is “reflecting” on the criticism, admitting: “Sometimes we need to shift boundaries and upset the way things have always been done to become more efficient, but these changes can disturb people.”




The mayor is also behind the “Reinvent Paris” scheme, an international competition to find environmentally friendly urban designs to transform neglected and run down city-owned sites. If elected president of the C40 global cities group – she recently announced her candidature – she hopes to take the idea worldwide.
From the ground, however, those details can look like broad brush strokes. One of Parisians’ biggest grouches is how the city seems increasingly grimy: the dog dirt on pavements; the tons of cigarette ends casually tossed into the street (not to mention the flouting of no-smoking laws); the motorcyclists and parked cars on pavements … the details that blight everyday life. 
Hidalgo nods. “I know, I know … we are looking at these issues. But sometimes there are other priorities.”
Paris may be deeply divided along right-left lines, but November’s attacks have made her impatient to be rid of “petty power games”. She is equally dismissive of any talk of being a future presidential candidate (the current incumbent, François Hollande, is in freefall in the popularity ratings), insisting – as most mayors do – that she has the “best job in the world” until her mandate ends in 2020.
For Hidalgo, it has already been an extraordinary time in office. “Paris has changed permanently,” she tells me. “After the attacks, there was suddenly a sense of community, of closeness; a need to stand up and be together. I felt that change in people and I can still feel it. It fills me with hope.”

Brazil's Dilma vows to keep fighting despite impeachment defeat

  • Lower house of congress voted to impeach Brazil’s president Dilma Rousseff
  • Ruling party calls on Brazilians to occupy streets as process passes to senate
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff speaks during a press conference at Planalto Palace in Brasilia on Monday.
Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff speaks during a press conference at Planalto Palace in Brasilia on Monday. Photograph: Evaristo Sa/AFP/Getty Images
Brazil’s embattled president Dilma Rousseff has said that she will fight to maintain power despite a devastating impeachment defeat in the lower house.
While the opposition camp celebrated Sunday’s vote and prepared for a new administration under Vice-President Michel Temer, Rouseff said that she was the victim of a “non-traditional coup d’etat”.
“I believe in democracy,” she told reporters. “I will fight, like I have always done in my life.”
She added: “This is not the beginning of the end – it’s the beginning of the fight.”
Rouseff singled out Temer for criticism, saying that he had “openly conspired” against her, and repeated her pledge not to stand down.
“My mandate is not for me, it’s for 54 million who voted for me ... this is a fight forBrazil, for democracy,” she said.
But despite Roussef’s defiance, the momentum is overwhelmingly with the opposition, who are poised to give Brazil its first centre-right government in more than 13 years.
The house speaker, Eduardo Cunha – a conservative evangelical who has proved Rousseff’s nemesis – oversaw the passage of the impeachment motion comfortably with 367 votes, 25 more than the necessary two-thirds majority, prompting opposition politicians, many of them draped in the national flag, to burst into the football chant “Eu Sou Brasileiro” (I am Brazilian).
The process now goes to the senate, where only a simple majority is needed to begin deliberations that would force the president to step aside for 180 days until a final verdict is reached.
The government side said supporters should to prepare for the next stage of the impeachment process in the senate.
“The Workers party calls on all men and women committed to democracy to remain mobilised and occupy the streets against this fraudulent impeachment,” said Rui Falcão, the party’s national president.

Polls suggest more than 60% of the public favour the removal of Rousseff, who was once one of the world’s most popular leaders but now suffers approval ratings of just 10% as a result of a dire economic recession, political tumult and the Lava Jato corruption investigation into kickbacks from the state-oil company, Petrobras. Politicians from almost all of the major parties have been implicated, including several senior members of the Workers party.

Temer’s supporters in his Brazilian Democratic Movement party (PMDB) are already anticipating the change ahead.
Moreira Franco, a senior party member, noted on Twitter that Brazil now had a good opportunity for political and economic reform, but he urged the opposition not to become complacent. “We need to maintain a national mobilisation so that the senate hears the noise on the streets,” he tweeted.
Many challenges lie ahead. The vice-president has promised a sound fiscal policy, but this would mean sharp austerity cuts in the midst of an already dire recession. Many of his supporters – especially those up for re-election later this year – will be urging him to maintain public spending.
The bank system, which is staggering under a mountain of non-performing loans, is another major risk that he must handle carefully. Many of these questions relate to how far to the right Temer is willing to move. One indication will be whether he appoints Jair Bolsonaro – a supporter of the former military dictatorship – to his cabinet.

A key question in this regard will be the fate of Cunha – who is at the centre of both the Lava Jato probe and the impeachment drive. His supporters are demanding that Temer kill an ethics committee investigation of the house speaker as a reward for pushing through the impeachment vote.There is also the constant threat posed to politicians of almost all stripes by the Lava Jato investigation. Until now, the opposition has used revelations of corruption to tarnish the government. But many of them are also threatened by accusations of bribery and money laundering. Many would clearly like Temer to weaken the independence of the prosecutors and federal police, which he could do by appointing a sympathetic justice minister, but this would be extremely unpopular with the public, who have come to put more faith in the judiciary than their elected representatives. 

Given the many problems that Brazil faces, Workers party politicians feel they can regain the initiative with a little time out of office. 
Lindberg Farias, a Workers party senator from Rio de Janeiro, said it will be difficult to block the first vote in the senate, but there is a chance with the second vote, which needs a two-thirds majority and will take place up to six months after the first. 
He expects the senate leader, Renan Calheiros, to drag the process on for as long as possible because he is a rival of Temer’s within the PMDB. The longer it goes on, the more chance he believes the left has of a recovery.
“The public don’t like Temer and Cunha. I think within two months of their administration, opinion will shift against them and people will move to protect Rousseff,” Farias said. 
After last night’s crushing defeat, this sounds like wishful thinking. But moods can change quickly. As Rousseff has learned to her cost, public opinion and political loyalties in Brazil are as solid as quicksand.

Lesbos-Let him who is without sin cast the first stone at Pope Francis’s refugee gesture

 There are many things wrong with the Catholic church, but they don’t justify criticising the pope’s offer of sanctuary to 12 refugees
Pope Francis welcomes Syrian refugees as they arrive at Ciampino airport in Rome. Photograph: Reuters
W
hen it comes to Pope Francis, the voice of the naysayer is never far away. “It’s all very well him talking about refugees,” it may say, “but you don’t see him on Lesbos, do you?” Then the pope goes to Lesbos. The voice pipes up again: “You don’t see the pope opening the Vatican to refugees, do you?” And then the pope houses 12 refugees in the Vatican. But nothing will mute the naysayer: “Why doesn’t he open every church to them?” it may say, or: “He’s just making the problem worse.”

The pope has not claimed that housing 12 people is an especially radical or benevolent act. Indeed, the Vatican itself has described it as a “gesture”. Yes, of course the pontiff and his church can do more, and perhaps they do, out of sight. But gestures and symbols are important in themselves. The pope can be applauded for trying to change the way we perceive refugees, while not neglecting their immediate needs. What more can we realistically ask of him, on this issue at least?
I’d like to say to the naysayer: still that voice for a moment. And beware of creating a culture in which the rewards are greater for doing nothing bad than they are for doing something good.
As an institution, the Roman Catholic church has provided us with no shortage of ammunition to unleash against it. Aside from the profound darkness in its history, there are its views on sexuality, abortion, contraception and female leadership, which run counter to liberal, progressive values (and, some would say, Christian justice). Moreover, its wealth and ostentation often seem at odds with the apparent simplicity of Jesus. It’s not surprising, then, when the actions of a man who so many see as embodying that institution are met with hostility, as a glance at the thousands of comments left on stories about the visit show.
Yet we can hardly hold Pope Francis responsible for all the evils perpetrated down the centuries by the Roman Catholic church, nor for all the dogma that it clings to. And even if we were to lay on him the sins of his church, that would not necessarily render worthless a work of love. For if we are always to focus on the darkness within individuals or the organisations they represent, who or what could we ever praise?
The charge of hypocrisy against religious leaders is nothing new – after all, it was Jesus’s insult of choice – but the fear of being guilty of it should never stop any of us doing what we feel is right. We could all do more to help others; we all do and say things that are hurtful and harmful, and play our role in systems that exploit our planet and its people. The only ones among us who are never hypocritical are those who never say or do anything good.
There is a danger in any culture that is immediately suspicious of good deeds. The sneer du jour is “virtue signalling”, a phrase that targets acts or words of kindness in the manner of a torpedo. We do need to be alert to duplicity and manipulation, especially when perpetrated by corporations whose sole purpose is to make money from us; but surely Pope Francis, imperfect as he may be and as we all are, warrants the benefit of any doubt.
While scepticism is healthy, cynicism is toxic. It engenders mistrust and misanthropy and blinds us to that which is good and beautiful. The cynic’s way is mean and arid and shrivelled. It is also safe. The pope has done something small, for which he surely knew he’d be criticised; a thing that thus contains an element of danger, but that he also knows is good. Surely it’s not too much for us to at least try to do the same.
Much of the anger directed at the Catholic church,often via its figurehead, is entirely understandable and necessary. Many of its actions, be they institutional or personal, have been deplorable. There are many individuals who have been scarred by it, and continue to be scarred by it. Like most major Christian denominations, the Roman Catholic church is in dire need of repentance.
Yet there have been plenty of people on the world stage who have offered no hope to those in need. Pope Francis is one who has. The former have not been criticised enough for what they failed to do; yet, by doing something, Pope Francis has left himself vulnerable to criticism from all sides. I know which I believe to be the more laudable. Let’s not let the naysayer have the last word.

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