Comentando una forma de vivir creativa y pasional, la textura es de rabia y emotividad, hay desesperación y un poco de ansiedad. ¡¡BASTA YA¡¡.
Juan Pardo Navarro
Con el título «Bella, recatada y del hogar» la revista Veja, uno de los semanarios más populares de Brasil, presentó a la esposa de Michel Temer
Marcela Temer, al lado de su marido -
Con el título «Bella, recatada y del hogar» la revista Veja, uno de los semanarios más populares de Brasil, presentó la semana pasada a Marcela Tedeschi Araújo Temer, esposa del vicepresidente Michel Temer y potencial primera dama, si se confirma en mayo del proceso de destitución contra Dilma Rousseff en el Senado.
El título del perfil, que presentaba a la joven de 32 años como una bonita y púdica ama de casa, desató la furia feminista en Brasil y convirtió a la discreta Marcela Temer en el principal asunto de debate en los medios y en las redes sociales. Millones de brasileñas cambiaron sus retratos en Facebook por fotos que las mostraban en acciones más osadas, sexys, haciendo gestos obscenos, o en funciones consideradas menos femeninas, como usando un taladro.
El hashtag #BelaRecatadaEdoLar fue «trending topic» en las redes brasileñas, junto a #BelaRecatadaEdoBar, entre otras versiones divertidas. De repente, de una mujer prácticamente desconocida, Marcela se volvió tema de debates vibrantes. «Marcela Temer sería, según un modelo antiguo, la mujer ideal, la primera dama ideal. Ella aparece para valorizar como una prótesis estética la imagen desteñida del vicepresidente Temer», analizó la filósofa Márcia Tiburi en entrevista al site Jornalistas Livres, para quien la discusión dejó a Marcela como una mujer sin expresión» y «sin gracia».
De hecho, se sabe muy poco sobre Marcela Temer, a no ser por un par de perfiles en internet, las fotos de las dos investiduras de Rousseff y su marido, en las que se destacó como la más bonita entre las autoridades de la ceremonia, y un poco de lo que ella comparte en sus redes sociales, en las que aparece cuidando a su hijo pequeño o ejercitándose en caminatas con su madre, su hermana y su cuñado.
Son muy pocas las fotos en las que parece al lado del marido, un abogado con tres décadas de carrera política y de poca expresión en las urnas, donde se eligió dos veces como diputado suplente en el parlamento y arrastrado en la última por el coeficiente electoral que se beneficia de los campeones de votos de su partido.
Marcela, 43 años menor que Temer, lo conoció durante una convención del Partido del Movimiento Democrático Brasileño (PMDB) en Paulinia, su ciudad natal, cerca al puerto de Santos, en São Paulo, en la que acompañaba a un tío y a su madre. Ella tenía 19 años y una corta carrera de modelo en que los puntos altos fueron el segundo lugar del Miss Paulinia, y el mismo vicecampeonato como Miss Campinas y luego, Miss São Paulo.
Su primer encuentro con Temer, que fue su primer novio, terminó con un beso y una petición de matrimonio, realizado menos de un año después, en una ceremonia civil para apenas 12 invitados. «Era un asunto particular», declaró Temer cuando se descubrió su casamiento secreto, resultado de lo que él describió como «una fuerte atracción», en entrevista a la revista Istoé.
Marcela terminó la carrera de Derecho, pero no ejerce la profesión porque optó por cuidar a su hijo, Michelzinho, de siete años, el quinto de Temer, que tiene otros de dos casamientos anteriores, dos de ellos mayores que ella. No usa joyas ni perfumes, evita marcas y estilistas.
Pese a la polémica que la coloca en la acera opuesta de las feministas,Marcela declaró en varias ocasiones su admiración por Rousseff, a quien elogió como una mujer «bonita e inteligente». «Las mujeres pueden mostrar que ellas actúan muy bien como amas de casa, madres, médicas, abogadas y presidentas», dijo durante la campaña electoral de la mandataria, a quien definió como «un ejemplo para el mundo».
A pesar de poder vivir en el Palacio Jaburu, que le corresponde al vicepresidente en Brasilia, Marcela ha preferido quedarse en su casa de São Paulo, donde Temer pasa los fines de semana con ella. La repercusión de las fotos en la primera investidura de su marido, cuando causó furor en las redes, con una trenza que exponía un tatuaje en la nuca con el nombre de Temer, y del reciente artículo de Veja, la han reservado aún más.
No se ha revelado la identidad de los nacionales fallecidos y las autoridades apuntan a motivos personales como causa del ataque, frente a especulaciones sobre la relación con el narcotráfico
Exteriores ha confirmado el fallecimiento de los dos españoles y que ambos eran técnicos de telecomunicaciones
Militares llegan al lugar de la matanza en Cabo Verde
Once personas, entre ellos dos españoles, han muerto en el ataque a un cuartel militar en el archipiélago de Cabo Verde, según han informado hoy medios portugueses.
El ataque al cuartel de Monte Tchota se produjo la pasada madrugada en la localidad de Rui Vaz, en la isla de Santiago, la principal de este archipiélago, antigua colonia portuguesa situada a unos 1.500 kilómetros de las Islas Canarias españolas.
De acuerdo con la información divulgada en Portugal, las once víctimas fallecieron en un tiroteo, cuyas causas podrían estar relacionadas con el narcotráfico.
De momento se desconoce la identidad de los españoles fallecidos, a la espera de que las autoridades caboverdianas confirmen las informaciones contradictorias divulgadas por la prensa local, según las cuales podría tratarse de turistas o de civiles empleados en el área de manutención del cuartel.
Según el semanario luso Expresso, las víctimas son ocho militares caboverdianos y tres civiles, los dos españoles y un tercero de Cabo Verde.
Exteriores ha confirmado las dos muertes
Los españoles fallecidos en el ataque eran técnicos de telecomunicaciones y no turistas, confirmaron a EFE fuentes periodísticas locales. Las mismas fuentes ratificaron la información del Gobierno caboverdiano, en el sentido de que no se trata de un ataque terrorista ni tampoco de un suceso vinculado al narcotráfico, como se había apuntado en un primer momento. Según el ministro de Administración Interna caboverdiano, Paulo Rocha, el responsable de lo ocurrido es un soldado, que se encuentra en paradero desconocido, y que actuaría por motivos personales. Además de los dos españoles, cuya identidad no fue relevada, en el mismo suceso también han fallecido nueve caboverdianos (ocho militares y un civil).
«El país está conmocionado, las personas están muy alarmadas. Aquí es raro que sucedan episodios como éste», agregaron las fuentes periodísticas. El ataque sucedió en la Isla de Santiago, la principal de la turística Cabo Verde, una antigua colonia portuguesa de unos 500.000 habitantes, situada a unos 1.500 kilómetros de las Islas Canarias española. El cuartel de Monte Tchota se encuentra en una zona montañosa, a unos 45 minutos de la capital del país, Praia, un punto estratégico en el que están instaladas todas las torres de telecomunicaciones.
Belgium famously sealed a dubious notoriety five years ago when it spent 589 days without an elected government. While Spain is not quite Belgium yet, it is getting there.
Spain has started its fifth month without a government, but it is very likely to spend six months or more in political limbo, many analysts now predict, as the Spaniards give the Flemings and Walloons a run for their money in the political discord category.
One word that seems to come up a lot these days when discussing politics is circo (or circus).
After an election in December produced no clear winner, scattering votes among the four main parties, those parties have failed to negotiate a governing coalition. As the politicians squabble incessantly, about the only consensus is that the country has entered uncharted waters.
Mariano Rajoy, the former prime minister, is clinging to his office as acting prime minister after turning down an offer from the king to form a government. His government ministers refuse to recognize the Parliament that resulted from the election or even deal with its lawmakers. The new Parliament has taken the government to court for not recognizing its legitimacy, while not recognizing the legitimacy of Mr. Rajoy, either.
It was not supposed to be this way. A new generation of party leaders had promised that the December vote would usher in a period of change and constitutional reform.
Instead, Spain is verging on constitutional crisis. The order of the day is institutional sclerosis, a lot of posturing and “generally a moment of great confusion,” said Rubén Amón, a columnist for El País, a Spanish newspaper.
“Politicians have given a very bad image in which all party leaders have put their own personal survival ahead of the general interest,” Mr. Amón said.
It is not as if public perceptions of the politicians could sink much lower in a country where virtually every party has been caught up in corruption scandals in recent years. But the nearly complete undermining of the public’s faith in its political institutions may be about the only thing achieved since the start of the year.
This month’s parliamentary debating was a case point. The session on April 6 was supposed to give lawmakers an opportunity to challenge Mr. Rajoy on why his government had backed a controversial European Union agreement to have Turkey take back unwanted refugees.
But humanitarian considerations quickly gave way to far more personal tensions between the leaders of Spain’s two emerging parties — Albert Rivera of Ciudadanos, or Citizens, and Pablo Iglesias of the far-left Podemos.
The two men, in their 30s, have presented themselves as a new generation of Spanish politician. But the new generation looked every bit like the old one, as they hurled accusations of cronyism.
It was part of what Luis María Anson, a veteran journalist, called “a depressing show” since the December election. Spanish politics, he argued in a recent column in the newspaper El Mundo, has become “a circus ring in which every day acrobatic leaders make ridiculous pirouettes to the stupefaction of citizens.”
Manuel de la Rocha Vázquez, an adviser to the Socialist party, suggested that the flamboyant sparring had become unavoidable in an era of round-the-clock news coverage.
“There is a lot of demand for information and statements, and politics turns into a big theater, with lots of news conferences and interviews but very little substance,” he said.
But while most lawmakers have tried to hog the news media’s attention, Mr. Rajoy and his acting government have been conspicuous in their absence, a pattern of aloofness that began even before the election, when the prime minister refused to debate most of his opponents.
Four of his ministers have refused to appear before parliamentary committees to defend recent decisions, arguing that an acting government need answer only to the Parliament that elected it, not a new assembly whose survival prospects are dim.
The last refusenik, José Manuel Soria, in any case was forced to resign as industry minister days later, after being linked to the Panama Papers and offshore business activities. Mr. Rajoy, in turn, has refused to discuss before lawmakers Mr. Soria’s demise.
Opposition politicians, predictably, have latched on to the government’s lack of accountability.
“The acting government must more than ever be subject to parliamentary control, because its legitimacy is diminished,” Pedro Sánchez, the Socialist leader, told Parliament recently. “An acting government isn’t a government out of control.”
Feeling shunned, the lawmakers voted this month to take the government to the Constitutional Court of Spain over its refusal to recognize them fully.
The paralysis is not without consequence. Important challenges loom.
The regional government in Catalonia is forging ahead with a plan to secede from Spain. And Brussels recently warned about Spain’s deteriorating public finances, after Madrid missed its 2015 deficit target.
The leadership vacuum has also translated into legal uncertainty, as opposition politicians have pledged to scrap several proposals introduced by Mr. Rajoy. These include educational and labor legislation, a new solar energy tax and a measure to restrict the right to stage public protests.
This week, King Felipe VI will hold a final round of consultations to see whether the deadlock among party leaders can be broken. If not, a new election in June is inevitable.
But the disenchantment is such that analysts predict many Spaniards will not even bother to vote.
Francesc Homs, a Catalan separatist lawmaker, said he expected a 10 percent drop in turnout. In October, neighboring Portugal also held an inconclusive election, he noted, but then formed a new government within two months.
“Nobody has had to repeat elections like this,” Mr. Homs said. “So I’m sure that if this happens, it will trigger a higher level of concern around Europe and internationally.”
Clara Alfaro, a shoe designer in Madrid, said that if it came to a new election in June, she would vote if only “because this situation somehow has to be unblocked.”
“If this was a country where politicians really cared about the functioning of Spain, there would have been an agreement by now,” she said.
José Gómez, an architecture student and activist with the Podemos party, described the recent coalition talks as “just a joke.”
After the December election, all the party leaders “knew that they were too stuck in their ways to form any government,” he said. “So it’s just about organizing a circus until the next ones.”
The expectancy of a new son or daughter can be a joyous time for couples, but for them, that joy was cut short after their baby boy was prenatally diagnosed with “severe cerebral abnormalities” near the end of Jennifer’s second trimester of pregnancy. She was told that her son would have a life expectancy of less than one year, if he survived delivery.
After consulting with a number of physicians, Jennifer and Jason made the “difficult” and fateful decision to abort their baby in “the best interest of Jennifer’s health.” They scheduled an appointment at Warren Hern’s Boulder Abortion Clinic, in Boulder, Colorado, the nearest facility where very late-term abortions were available.
They probably wish they could take back that decision.
According to a Federal Court lawsuit filed by them in Colorado, Jennifer suffered a horrific late-term abortion complication that she says has caused her physical pain, mental suffering, and the loss of her ability to bear children. The couple is seeking upwards of $75,000 in medical costs, in addition to attorney fees and any punitive damages that might be awarded by the Court.
The lawsuit alleges four causes of action:
1. Medical malpractice.
2. Failure to warn.
3. Negligent misrepresentation.
4. Loss of consortium.
Warren Hern is a well-known late-term abortionist who founded the Boulder Abortion Clinic in 1973. He was featured in the independent film “After Tiller,” which profiled Hern and three others who openly conduct abortions throughout all nine months of pregnancy.
Hern literally wrote the book on abortion. His Abortion Practice was published in 1984, but by 1989, the original publisher had withdrawn the book from the market and destroyed the remaining copies. He invented a number of surgical abortion tools, including the Hern forceps, scissor-like grasping instruments now commonly used in dismemberment abortions. In all, Hern is considered a leading authority on abortion, especially in the later terms of pregnancy.
In fact, in 1985 and again 1994, when medical experts published the authoritative manual on Fertility Control, they had Warren Hern pen the chapter about “Pregnancy Termination.” There Hern warned,”Abortion complication rates are sometimes higher than they should be.”
Jennifer was scheduled for a four-day abortion procedure that was set to begin on December 3, 2013. As instructed by Hern’s staff, she checked into a hotel the evening before her appointment and expected to stay until December 7. She was accompanied by Jason and her mother for support during the late-term abortion process. However, once at the clinic, she was told for the first time that she could only have one support person, so her mother was sent away.
Before Jennifer could been seen, she was required to wire $7,500 in advance to the Boulder Abortion Clinic.
Once the money was received, Jennifer was given an ultrasound and blood work. The clinic staff gave Jennifer and Jason “reading material” and required that they watch an instructional video “produced by Dr. Hern’s office” that described the abortion procedure.
But the printed material and video neglected to mention known risks. In fact, according to the lawsuit, she was never informed or warned of any risks to the planned Dilation and Evacuation dismemberment abortion procedure by Hern or his staff.
After the video concluded, the first step of the abortion procedure began. Hern used ultrasound to locate her baby’s heart then inserted a needle through Jennifer’s abdomen and into her baby’s heart. The drug Hern injected was meant to stop the baby’s heart in advance of the actual abortion procedure that was expected to occur three days later. Once the injection was completed, Jennifer was released and told to return the next day.
On Day Two of the abortion process, a member of Hern’s “staff” inserted 1-3 laminaria sticks and packing through the vagina. Laminaria are thin sticks of seaweed about the width of a pencil lead that expand, gently forcing open the cervix or neck of the womb.
She returned on Day Three, when “clinic staff” removed the laminara and inserted six new sticks. She was told to return to her hotel room and come back the next day for completion of her abortion.
Jennifer woke up early on Day Four suffering from “stomach cramps and discomfort.” Then she began to vomit. She felt the laminaria and packing begin to fall out of place.
Jennifer called the Boulder Abortion Clinic and was told to report to the clinic ahead of schedule. There, she was given an IV and suppository that was supposed to halt the vomiting, but it took “several hours” before the vomiting finally stopped.
Nurses prepared Jennifer for the final step of her late-term abortion, but found that they were unable to get her dilated beyond 1-2 centimeters, which is too small of an opening for a dismemberment abortion at her late stage of pregnancy.
Nevertheless, Hern proceeded with the “evacuation,” in which he would remove her son piece by piece until her womb was completely empty.
At least, that was the plan.
A “numbing cream” was applied to Jennifer’s cervix and Hern began to remove the dismembered parts of her baby. During the process, Jennifer felt “a lot of pulling from the lower half of her body all the way up to her chest,” according to the legal complaint.
The pain was intense – so much so that at some point in the process, she passed out.
“It seems completely barbaric to conduct such an abortion process on a woman without providing adequate pain relief, but this is a complaint we hear all too often from women who have experienced abortions,” said Operation Rescue President Troy Newman. “Denying pain relief during surgical abortions really illustrates how little concern Hern and other abortionists really have for their patients. It is tantamount to torture.”
Hern finally finished the procedure, and Jennifer was sent to a recovery area for a couple of hours. After a visual examination only, Hern announced that her abortion was a success. She was released to go back home to Nebraska.
Jennifer likely thought the worst was over and probably tried to put the unpleasant experience behind her.
But soon, Jennifer began to experience break-through bleeding. She sought help from her hometown doctor, who changed her birth control prescription twice in an attempt to resolve the bleeding issue. Still, Jennifer continued to experience the unexplained bleeding.
Finally, she was referred to a gynecologist who ordered an ultrasound. What he discovered caused him to schedule Jennifer for surgery.
Once in surgery, the doctor tried but failed to remove a mysterious four-centimeter-long object that was cutting into Jennifer’s uterus. He determined that this object was the cause of Jennifer’s months of bleeding. He had no choice but to perform a hysterectomy, permanently ending Jennifer’s ability to bear children.
When the object was finally analyzed, it was determined to be a four-centimeter slightly curved section of bone from her aborted baby’s skull.
“I can’t imagine what if felt like to hear that news. It must have been horrendous,” said Newman. “How ironic that her decision to abortion was ‘in the best interest of her health.’ Would she really have been physically and mentally worse off if she had delivered her baby? Probably not.”
Jennifer insists in her suit against Hern and the Boulder Abortion Clinic that she never was told that there was a possibility that parts of her baby could be left inside. Because Hern had wrongly declared the abortion a “success,” her doctors spent months trying to find other reasons to explain Jennifer’s complication.
Jennifer and Jason’s lawsuit claims that Hern was negligent in seven ways:
1. Hern conducted a Dilation and Evacuation abortion procedure on her nearly third-trimester baby through an inadequately dilated cervix.
2. Hern failed to remove all of the baby’s remains from the uterus.
3. Hern failed to inspect the remains to ensure everything had been removed and accounted for.
4. Hern failed to detect the chunk of bone that he had missed during the dismemberment process.
5. Hern failed to order appropriate postoperative care and tests, which would have discovered the skull fragment.
6. Hern failed to exercise supervision and control over his staff to ensure they provided adequate medical care.
7. Hern failed to provide diagnostic, operative, and postoperative care and treatment “consistent with the applicable standard of care for a physician practicing in Dr. Hern’s specialized area of medicine.”
“From the legal complaint, it looks like there was more effort put into making sure the couple’s money was received by Hern’s bank account than there was in determining whether the abortion was complete,” said Newman. “These were careless, sloppy practices that led to months of suffering and could have cost this lady her life.”
Incomplete abortions are potentially serious complications to abortions and can lead to hemorrhaging, infection, and death, if left untreated.
This case raises an important issue that deserves attention. It is true that many physicians who see patients with complicated pregnancies find it easier to refer the women for an abortion than take the extra time and effort to help her work through her health issues. Sidewalk counselors who have spent anytime offering help to abortion-bound women understand this problem in the medical profession.
“Often, women just need a good doctor who will support them with sound medical treatment and encouragement through their complicated pregnancies,” said Newman. “That can be hard to find in a world where ‘getting rid of the problem’ through abortion is easier than dealing with complicated health concerns. Aborting the baby didn’t work to avoid physical and mental health issues in this case and it probably doesn’t work in the majority of cases.”
If Jennifer and Jason’s suit against Hern and his Boulder abortion clinic is successful, it could serve as the basis for disciplinary action against his medical license.
“If it can be proved that Hern acted negligently, this is a case that should be taken to the Colorado medical board,” said Newman. “Hern’s insurance will probably cover any monetary judgement, but the medical board has the authority to make sure he can never practice medicine again. One can hope and pray to that end.”
