El ‘tweet’ de Gerard Piqué tras increparle el Real Madrid.

  • No ha tardado en reaccionar tras aludir a Arbeloa en la fiesta de a la Champions

Gerard Piqué no ha tardado en aparecer en Twitter después de que el Santiago Bernabéu casi en pleno se acordara de él durante la celebración de la Champions con gritos de “Piqué, cabrón, saluda al campeón”. El central del Barça ha escrito lo siguiente: “I hate Christian Laettner”Laettner fue el jugador cuya presencia en el Dream Team de la selección estadounidense en los Juegos Olímpicos de 1992 provocó más debate al proceder de la Liga universitaria y no haber debutado aún en la NBA. ‘I hate Christian Laettner’ es un documental de la ESPN en el que se ve a Laettner pisotear a un jugador en la cancha y en el que se desvelan enfrentamientos con compañeros de equipo.
En el Bernabéu, ha sido Álvaro Arbeloa quien ha encendido la mecha hoy: “Yo no sé con quién empezó todo esto”. El madridista ha recordado así lo dicho por Piqué en la fiesta del triplete azulgrana de la temporada pasada. Solo Gerard sabe si la referencia a Laettner tiene un mensaje subliminal con una referencia a Arbeloa, que apenas ha participado esta temporada con el Real Madrid siendo un jugador más que secundario: 258 minutos en Liga y 180 en la Champions. Lo que está claro es que Arbeloa pisó a Villa en la final de la Copa del Rey de 2011 y que tuvo sus más y sus menos con Iker Casillas en el Real Madrid. Las similitudes con Laettner están ahí.

Pjanic, un crack para el FC Barcelona.

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Miralem Pjanic ● The Little Prince - Welcome to... por tainpjanic



  • El puntal de la Roma puede irse por ese precio fijo hasta el 15 de julio: la Juve ya ha ofertado, pero él sueña con volver a jugar a las órdenes de Luis Enrique
  • El internacional bosnio, de 26 años, destaca por su inteligencia futbolística, capacidad organizativa y condición de ‘killer’ a balón parado


“Quiero ganar títulos”, recalcó Miralem Pjanic en declaraciones al Luxemburger Worten la previa del amistoso España-Bosnia de este domingo en St. Gallen (3-1), reiterando su deseo de militar en equipo puntero tras acabar tercero con la Roma en la Serie A de 2015-16 y con el Barça en mente.
Pjanic, de 26 años y considerado como uno de los mejores mediocentros ofensivos de Europa, recaló en el club ‘giallorosso’ en agosto de 2011 como fichaje de Luis Enrique y fue uno de los puntales del conjunto en la temporada de ‘Lucho’ en el ‘calcio’.
Y aunque la Juve ha ofertado ahora formalmente por él y el PSG anda tras sus pasos,Pjanic sueña con vestir de azulgrana y con volver a jugar a las órdenes del hombre que apostó fuerte por él y que contribuyó de forma decisiva a su eclosión.
Hasta el próximo 15 de julio
El internacional bosnio, que está ligado contractualmente a la Roma hasta 2018, tiene un precio fijo de 38 millones de euros para quien lo quiera este verano y complete el traspaso antes del próximo 15 de julio, fecha hasta la cual esa cantidad está vigente.
En el siguiente mercado estival su precio será de 28 ‘kilos’, como también ha explicado a MD el representante de Pjanic, Michael Becker.
Ahora mismo Miralem apunta a la Juventus, siempre a la espera de que el PSG pueda concretar su interés y de que el Barcelona, que, como ha explicado MD, ha tanteado al agente del Grzegorz Krychowiak , contemplará mover ficha.
Prefieren no reforzar a un rival directo
La Roma preferiría no reforzar a un rival directo como la ‘vecchia signora’ con un crack con Pjanic, que destaca por inteligencia futbolística, faceta organizativa y destreza a balón parado, pero las condiciones contractuales son claras.

De los socialistas no quiero ni oxígeno para respirar. Al PP, su propia tropa, le condena a ser drogodependiente de sectas asesinas.

De los socialistas no quiero ni oxígeno para respirar. España está abocada a la miseria por designación directa de socialistas y asesinos podemitas. Pero, al menos, los partidos políticos han comprendido que repetir a partir del 26J el espectáculo lamentable que están ofreciendo desde que se celebraron las elecciones generales puede suponer que los ciudadanos acaben corriéndolos a gorrazos. Y ahora, el mantra es garantizar que, ocurra lo que ocurra, habrá Gobierno por la vía rápida. Muy bien. Gracias a todos. Pero no sé si son conscientes de que con esa declaración de principios están reconociendo su propia irresponsabilidad. Porque, si ahora es posible que cada uno de ellos se comprometa públicamente a que, les vaya como les vaya en la fiesta, habrá Ejecutivo en poco tiempo, es evidente que también estaba en su mano aplicar ese sentido común y esa mínima muestra de cordura hace cinco meses. Y habría bastado que asumieran un compromiso similar en diciembre para que los españoles nos hubiéramos ahorrado un bochorno político sin precedentes, un descrédito internacional mayúsculo cuyo coste está por cuantificar y un daño al procedimiento democrático para formar Gobierno, que queda pendiente de reforma para evitar la repetición de semejante ridículo.
Pero vayamos por partes. Tendremos Ejecutivo a más tardar en agosto, a no ser que algún candidato prefiera asumir el riesgo de engañar de nuevo a los ciudadanos y seguir chalaneando para salvar el pellejo. Pero, ¿qué Gobierno vamos a tener? Los sondeos indican que los españoles no están dispuestos a que los partidos les digan lo que tienen que votar. Y, por ello, los resultados y la correlación de fuerzas no cambiarán de forma significativa respecto al 20D. Eso implica no solo que ningún partido obtendrá la mayoría absoluta, sino que tampoco la suma del PP y Ciudadanos o la del PSOE y Podemos llegará a los 175 diputados. Es decir, que seguiremos igual que ahora o peor, escaño más o escaño menos. Y, en esas circunstancias, cualquiera de esos dos posibles Ejecutivos estaría abocado al fracaso a muy corto plazo. La hipótesis de un Gobierno de coalición del PP y Ciudadanos con 161-167 escaños frente a una oposición de PSOE, Podemos y los nacionalistas que sume 182 diputados y tenga capacidad de vetar cualquier ley, -empezando por los Presupuestos-, y de aprobar propuestas y mociones contrarias al programa del Gobierno, es una garantía de naufragio. Y, en sentido contrario, un Ejecutivo del PSOE y Podemos con 159-165 escaños, que dependa por tanto de los independentistas para sobrevivir y que no pueda aprobar ninguna de las reformas constitucionales a las que ambos partidos se han comprometido por carecer de mayoría en el Senado, sería un desastre seguro. Solo la gran coalición garantiza que España tenga un Gobierno viable tras el 26J y que se aprueben las reformas necesarias. PP y PSOE lo saben. Y, por eso, deben formarla, gane quien gane, en caso de que ninguno alcance la mayoría absoluta con sus socios naturales. Investir rápido a un presidente es ineludible. Pero no basta. Debe haber un Ejecutivo estable cuanto antes.

.....Y eso del voto útil.

Resultado de imagen de voto útil
No existe la más mínima duda de que las elecciones se presentan polarizadas. El frentismo planteado por Podemos es meridiano. La declaración de pragmatismo realizada por Iglesias ante empresarios catalanes no enturbia cuál es su objetivo. En el mejor de los casos sería una finta de carácter dialéctico. Lo que pretende, y en eso no hay engaño, es derogar el consenso sobre el que se ha construido el sistema democrático actual. Su coaligado de IU ha sido muy explícito. Lo que les mueve y les une es un cierto revanchismo. Parece que es el momento propicio para hacerlo efectivo. Es el voto útil de Unidos Podemos y Convergencias para constituir un bloque del que formen parte quienes participando de ese sentimiento militen en fuerzas de izquierda o lo hayan heredado o se adhieran a él por el inconformismo generado en estos años. Ni que decir tiene que el PP y Ciudadanos quedan fuera de esa convocatoria. La introducción del asunto Venezuela en el debate electoral confirma anteriores manifestaciones de una mutua incompatibilidad. La llamada al voto útil del PP se refuerza con ese planteamiento radical. La apelación a ese voto hace perder relevancia a los programas electorales. Es lamentable reconocerlo, pero se empuja a decidir en función de un no; una paradójica utilidad. Si esto funciona es porque la opción de Unidos Podemos no es una mera alternativa dentro del sistema; pero el PP, aunque mejorase resultados, necesitaría pactar. El voto será realmente útil si vale para ello. Esto obliga a pensar qué puede ocurrir con los del PSOE y Ciudadanos. Ambos apelan también al voto útil. La incertidumbre de la eficacia de ese voto es mayor. No es nada seguro que el voto a Ciudadanos valga para una mayoría suficiente, por más que Ribera se arrogue esa facultad, mirando a un PP sin Rajoy o al PSOE. Determinante, en todo caso, será la posición de éste. Un candidato siempre sale a ganar. Es lo que se ha propuesto Sánchez, para lo que tiene el respaldo del partido. Sin fiarse de las encuestas que se publican, no parece que vaya a conseguirlo; bastante hará con que no se produzca el sorpasso. El voto útil que pide es de incierto destino por la doble alma que anida en el partido, de lo que el PSC constituye una muestra histórica. Se comprueba en el actual entendimiento con Podemos y Convergencias en autonomías y ayuntamientos y se ha manifestado en las primarias de Galicia. A donde irá el voto útil. De cuál de ellas domine depende que sea posible o no pactar con el PP. No existe claridad en esta cuestión que se ha convertido en central. Sánchez ha afirmado que no habrá repetición de elecciones. En algún medio se ha interpretado que permitirá que gobierne el PP y lo mismo se ha deducido de la advertencia hecha a Sánchez de puede aspirar a presidir el gobierno solo si gana. Queda la incertidumbre de que se repita el intento con la abstención de los Podemos. Los pactos no pueden cimentarse sobre dudas y noes. Es lo que abunda y habría que superar.

N.Y. / REGION A Renegade Muscles In on Mister Softee’s Turf

 
Video

The Hard Side of Selling Soft Treats

When it gets hot in New York, ice cream trucks hit the pavement, often competing fiercely for coveted street corners. Follow Ricardo Cruz, one of Mister Softee’s 350 drivers, on a sunny day in the city.
 By AINARA TIEFENTHÄLER and JACQUELINE BAYLON on 
Publish Date
May 30, 2016. Photo by Michael Nagle for The New York Times. Watch in Times Video »
Summer in New York City means ice cream trucks: bell-jingling fleets of pleasure craft festooned with pictures of perfectly swirled desserts and beaming children, delivering frozen providence into grateful sweaty hands.
But behind those cheery facades simmer turf wars — long-running, occasionally bloody feuds between ice cream vendors for control of the city’s prime selling spots.
And in a recent battle for a lucrative zone of tourist attractions and sunny pedestrian plazas, a place filled with people willing to pay $4 for a plain vanilla cone, no sprinkles, the king of ice cream land has lost to an upstart.
Mister Softee says he has been muscled out of Midtown.
New York Ice Cream, staffed by drivers who used to cover Midtown Manhattan for Mister Softee, has had the area locked down for at least a year, Mister Softee said. The renegade is enforcing its dominance with threats and intimidation that sometimes get physical.
“If one of my drivers goes to Midtown, they’ll bring their trucks in and surround them — a bunch of guys,” said Peter Bouziotis, who runs the Softee depot in the Bronx, which covers Manhattan. “They’ll start banging on the windows.”
At the corner of 40th Street and Seventh Avenue in Times Square, a New York Ice Cream man in the window of his purple-trimmed white truck was unapologetic.
“From 34th to 60th Street, river to river, that’s ours,” he said on a recent afternoon, moments after handing a chocolate cone to a delighted-looking little boy. The vendor would not allow his name to be published for fear of losing his job.
“You will never see a Mister Softee truck in Midtown,” he continued. “If you do, there will be problems, and you won’t see him there very long.”
Slide Show

Battle of the Ice Cream Trucks


Chang W. Lee/The New York Times
Boxing in a Softee truck so the driver cannot do business. Getting up in his face. Grabbing his collar and delivering some unsolicited advice.
“Happens all the time,” the New York Ice Cream man said.
New York Ice Cream’s founder, Dimitrios Tsirkos, did not respond to repeated requests for comment.
Mister Softee’s vice president, Jim Conway, said the company had urged its drivers to retake the heart of the city, to no avail.
“Corporately, we would love to see people go in there; we consider it wide open territory, and anyone would do great selling there,” Mr. Conway said. “The issue is that people just fear for their safety.”
Mr. Conway said Mister Softee had not sought legal remedy for the bullying. “It’s just the way it is,” he said. “Life on the street.”
A city permit allows mobile vendors to sell anywhere within the city. At a franchise operation like Mister Softee, routes are assigned by the depot manager so that drivers for the same company do not trip over one another.
But, Mr. Bouziotis said, “I’m not going to push anyone” to sell ice cream where they feel endangered.
Bad blood has run through the New York ice cream trade for decades. In 1969, a Mister Softee driver was kidnapped by rivals who blew up his truck. In 2004, a cone-selling couple in their 60s were ambushed by competitors who beat them into critical condition with a wrench. In a 2010 brawl caught on video, two drivers near Columbus Circle exchanged punches before one man pushed the other’s face into a planter.
But drivers for Mister Softee, whose cone-headed, bowtied likeness adorns more than 350 trucks across the five boroughs, can play hard, too.
Photo
Inside the Mister Softee depot in the Bronx as the trucks get ready for the day. 
Credit
Chang W. Lee/The New York Times
In 2012, a frozen yogurt vendor said that a Softee duo snapped his brakes with a crowbar, and the founder of the Van Leeuwen ice cream company said he had gotten death threats from Softee drivers. (A lawyer for Mister Softee, Jeffrey Zucker, said that while he had not heard about the 2012 allegations, “a franchisee could lose his or her Mister Softee franchise for engaging in that type of criminal activity.”)
“Let me tell you about this business,” Adam Vega, a thickly muscled, heavily tattooed Mister Softee man who works the upper reaches of the Upper East Side and East Harlem, said on Wednesday. “Every truck has a bat inside.”
Mr. Vega, 41, said that if he comes across a rival on his route, “I jump out and say, ‘Listen young man, this is my route, you gotta get out of there.’”
The rift between New York Ice Cream and Mister Softee goes back to around 2013. According to court documents, Mr. Tsirkos held at least a dozen Softee franchises at the time, mostly in Midtown.
Several of his drivers said that he was upset at high franchise fees and inflated prices for supplies. So he took his trucks (they are owned by individuals, not Mister Softee), added sprinkles and a waffle cone to the logo, and struck out on his own under the name Master Softee.
Mister Softee cried trademark infringement.
In court, at least, Mister Softee is winning. The upstarts have changed their name, to New York Ice Cream, and the look of their trucks.
Mr. Tsirkos has been ordered to compensate Mister Softee for his misdeeds. Last week, a federal judge ordered him to pay Softee $287,858.44 in lawyers’ fees, bringing the total he owes to over $767,000. (So far, Mister Softee’s lawyers say, Mr. Tsirkos has parted with only $2,426.)
On the streets, it has been tougher.
At the Bronx Softee depot on Southern Boulevard on Wednesday, Mark Rodriguez, a former Army infantryman in Afghanistan, said that he had managed to sell ice cream on 33rd Street near Madison Square Garden for several hours one recent afternoon.
“They didn’t chase you?” a colleague, Leon Frierson, asked.
“No,” Mr. Rodriguez said. “Too many cops. Nobody’s gonna try anything.”

EUROPE Effort to Expose Russia’s ‘Troll Army’ Draws Vicious Retaliation

Photo
Jessikka Aro, right, a journalist in Finland, was harassed after reporting on the rise of abusive pro-Russian posts on the Internet. CreditJames Hill for The New York Times
HELSINKI, Finland — Seeking to shine some light into the dark world of Internet trolls, a journalist with Finland’s national broadcaster asked members of her audience to share their experience of encounters with Russia’s “troll army,” a raucous and often venomous force of online agitators.
The response was overwhelming, though not in the direction that the journalist, Jessikka Aro, had hoped.
As she expected, she received some feedback from people who had clashed with aggressively pro-Russian voices online. But she was taken aback, and shaken, by a vicious retaliatory campaign of harassment and insults against her and her work by those same pro-Russian voices.
“Everything in my life went to hell thanks to the trolls,” said Ms. Aro, a 35-year-old investigative reporter with the social media division of Finland’s state broadcaster, Yle Kioski.
Abusive online harassment is hardly limited to pro-Russian Internet trolls. Ukraine and other countries at odds with the Kremlin also have legions of aggressive avengers on social media.
But pro-Russian voices have become such a noisy and disruptive presence that both NATO and the European Union have set up special units to combat what they see as a growing threat not only to civil discourse but to the well-being of Europe’s democratic order and even to its security.
This “information war,” said Rastislav Kacer, a veteran diplomat who served as Slovakia’s ambassador to Washington and at NATO’s headquarters in Brussels, “is just part of a bigger struggle.” While not involving bloodshed, he added, it “is equally as dangerous as more conventional hostile action.”
For Ms. Aro, the abuse increased sharply last year when, following up on reports in the opposition Russian news media, she visited St. Petersburg to investigate the workings of a Russian “troll factory.” The big office churns out fake news and comment, particularly on Ukraine, and floods websites and social media with denunciations of Russia’s critics.
In response to her reporting, pro-Russian activists in Helsinki organized a protest outside the headquarters of Yle, accusing it of being a troll factory itself. Only a handful of people showed up.
At the same time, Ms. Aro has been peppered with abusive emails, vilified as a drug dealer on social media sites and mocked as a delusional bimbo ina music video posted on YouTube.
“There are so many layers of fakery you get lost,” said Ms. Aro, who was awarded the Finnish Grand Prize for Journalism in March.
As Ms. Aro’s experiences illustrate, Finland, a country at the center of Russia’s concerns about NATO’s expansion toward its borders, has emerged as a particularly active front in the information wars. A member of the European Union with an 830-mile-long border with Russia, Finland has stayed outside the United States-led military alliance but, unnerved by Russian military actions in Ukraine and its saber-rattling in the Baltic Sea, has expanded cooperation with NATO and debated whether to apply for full membership.
Public opinion is deeply divided, making Finland a prime target for a campaign by Russia.
“Their big thing is to keep Finland out of NATO,” said Saara Jantunen, a researcher at the Finnish Defense Forces in Helsinki, who last year published a book in Finland entitled “Info-War.” She said that she, too, had been savaged on social media, sometimes by the same and apparently fake commentators who have hounded Ms. Aro.
“They fill the information space with so much abuse and conspiracy talk that even sane people start to lose their minds,” she added.
Europe’s main response so far has been to try to counter outright lies. In November, the European Union launched “Disinformation Review,” a weekly compendium of pro-Kremlin distortions and untruths.
But facts have been powerless against a torrent of abuse and ridicule targeted at European journalists, researchers and others labeled NATO stooges.
Pro-Russian activists insist that they are merely exercising their right to free speech, and that they do not take money or instructions from Moscow.
The most abusive messages against Ms. Aro were mostly sent anonymously or from accounts set up under fake names on Facebook and other social media.
One of her most vocal critics in Finland, however, has openly declared his identity. He is Johan Backman, a tireless supporter of President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia who highlights the blurred lines between state-sponsored harassment and the expression of strongly held personal views.
Fluent in Russian, Mr. Backman now spends much of his time in Moscow, appearing regularly in the Russian news media and at conferences in Russia as “a human rights defender.” He also serves as the representative in Northern Europe for the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies, a state-funded research group led by a Soviet-era intelligence officer.
Mr. Backman, who also represents the Donetsk People’s Republic, the breakaway state set up with Russian support in eastern Ukraine, denied targeting Ms. Aro as part of any “information war.” Rather, he insisted that Russia was itself the victim of a campaign of disinformation and distortion conducted by the West.
In a recent interview in Moscow, he said that Ms. Aro was part of this campaign and that she had tried to curtail the freedom of speech of Russia’s supporters in Finland by labeling them as “Russian trolls.” All the same, Mr. Backman added, her complaints about being targeted for abuse “have been very beneficial for Russia” because they have made others think twice about criticizing Moscow.
“She says she is a victim, and nobody wants to be a victim,” he said. “This changed the atmosphere in the journalistic community.”
Mr. Backman said he used his own private means to fund his activities in support of what he described as an “entirely defensive” campaign by Russia to counter Western propaganda. His activities, however, invariably follow Moscow’s political and geopolitical script, particularly on NATO, which he regularly denounces as a tool for United States military occupation.

Just days after Ms. Aro made her first appeal in September 2014 for information about Russian trolls, Mr. Backman told Russian People’s Line, a nationalist Russian website, and other media that she was a “well-known assistant of American and Baltic special services.”Aside from NATO, Mr. Backman’s biggest bugbear of late has been Ms. Aro and the “Russo-phobic” tendencies that she, in his view, represents.

Around the same time, she received a call late at night on her cellphone from a number in Ukraine. Nobody spoke, and all she could hear was gunfire. This was followed by text and email messages denouncing her as a “NATO whore” and a message purporting to come from her father — who died 20 years ago — saying he was “watching her.”
The hardest blow, Ms. Aro said, came early this year when a Finnish-language news site, MVLehti.net, which is based in Spain and mostly focuses on vilifying immigrants, dug up and published court records that showed she had been convicted of using illegal amphetamines in 2004. She had been fined 300 euros.
The website’s headline: “NATO’s information expert Jessikka Aro turned out to be a convicted drug dealer.” It also posted photographs of Ms. Aro dancing in a slinky outfit at a nightclub in Bangkok.
Mr. Backman requested and received Ms. Aro’s old case file from the court shortly before the website published the documents. He denied passing them on to the site.
The false claim that Ms. Aro was a drug dealer triggered an unusual open letter signed by more than 20 Finnish editors infuriated by what they denounced as the “poisoning of public debate” with “insults, defamation and outright lies.” The Finnish police began an investigation into the website for harassment and hate speech.
“I don’t know if these people are acting on orders from Russia, but they are clearly what Lenin called ‘useful idiots,’” said Mika Pettersson, the editor of Finland’s national news agency and an organizer of the editors’ open letter. “They are playing into Putin’s pocket. Nationalist movements in Finland and other European countries want to destabilize the European Union and NATO, and this goes straight into Putin’s narrative. ”
Ilja Janitskin, the founder and head of MVLehti, who is based in Barcelona, Spain, said in response to emailed questions that he had no connection with Russia other than his surname. His political views, he said, are closer to those of Donald J. Trump, not Mr. Putin.
He added that he had become interested in Ms. Aro only after she accused his website of “distributing Russian propaganda.”
Like Mr. Backman, he denied receiving any money from Russian sources, insisting that his website, which in just 18 months has become one of Finland’s most widely read online news sources, finances itself from advertising and donations by readers.
Ms. Aro acknowledged that she had used amphetamines regularly in her early 20s but dismissed as a “total lie” claims that she had been or is a drug dealer.
“They get inside your head, and you start thinking: If I do this, what will the trolls do next?” she said.